Grand Vizier (Prime Minister) Sait Halim Pasha's Thoughts on Atatürk
He was tried by the Divan-ı Ali and handed over to the British. The British sent him to Malta to be tried for allegedly persecuting Armenians in the east. However, he was found not guilty by the court and released in 1921.
I read a book this week and learnt interesting information. The book I read tells about Sait Halim Pasha's observations and thoughts about the World War I and the War of Independence. The book is the result of the translation of Sait Halim Pasha's notes into Turkish by Fatih Yücel and was published by Kronik Publications in 2019.
The information I will describe here is taken from this book. In the narration, some issues will be emphasised only in summary without changing the expressions in the original text as much as possible. While reading the article, it will be useful to take into account that Sait Halim Pasha wrote these after the Battle of Sakarya, before the Great Offensive and before the country was liberated and the republic was established.
Before writing his thoughts, let us start by giving a brief information about Sait Halim Pasha. Sait Halim Pasha was the foreign minister and prime minister of the Ottoman Empire when it entered the First World War in 1914. Therefore, the agreement with Germany dated 2 August 1914 was signed by Sait Halim Pasha and the German ambassador.
Before taking this position, Sait Halim Pasha was the foreign minister in the government formed by Grand Vizier Mahmut Şevket Pasha. However, when Mahmut Şevket Pasha was assassinated on 11 June 1913, he was appointed as Prime Minister in order to retain his foreign ministry. His period in power was the most unfortunate period of the Ottoman Empire.
Pasha was born in Cairo in 1864 and was shot dead by an Armenian in Rome on 30 December 1921. He was originally an Egyptian prince. In other words, he was a descendant of Kavalalı Mehmet Ali Pasha and the Khedives of Egypt. As a prince, he received a good education and studied political science in Europe. He speaks and writes French like his mother tongue. For this reason, he generally wrote his memoirs, his works and his writings on politics in French.
During the Armistice period, he was arrested by the groom Ferit Pasha government, his house was searched and all his documents were confiscated. After that, he was tried in Divan-ı Ali and handed over to the British. The British sent him to Malta to be tried for allegedly persecuting Armenians in the east. However, he was found not guilty by the court and released in 1921. Thereupon, he settled in Rome, where he closely followed the developments in Turkey. For this reason, he mentioned his thoughts about the War of Independence and Atatürk in detail in his memoirs.
According to him, after the Armistice of Mudros was signed, there were many well-meaning Turks in Istanbul who thought of nothing else but burying Turkey with a first-class funeral. However, the situation in which the Allied Powers found themselves gave Turkey a chance to be saved by resisting. The government and most of the intellectuals in Istanbul did not realise this.
For those who were aware of this, it did not seem possible to resist by staying in Istanbul. This situation necessitated that resistance should be tried in the provinces. In any case, it was better to die with a gun in one's hand than to risk the worst and be slaughtered like a sheep.
Istanbul, which was nothing but an Islamised Byzantium, never wanted to understand this. Even in the days when the Kemalist idea triumphed with glory and honour, there are still Turks and others who say things just for the sake of criticism. Most of them were miserable wretches who made it their business to profit from the enslavement of countries. There was an unquestionable rottenness.
The Sultan had to support this holy resistance organised in Anatolia with all his might and to the extent possible. Only with endurance and firm determination could the enemy be forced to retreat. But the administration in Istanbul, because of its arrogance and lack of understanding of the situation, was acting selfishly. It is possible to add to this its lack of patriotism. Therefore, it entered into a struggle with the nationalist movement and continued this struggle despite the brilliant successes of the Ankara government.
As for when the War of Independence began, the occupation of Izmir by the Greeks is the real starting point of the national movement. Three men, who had gained great fame for their services to their country, who were pained and distressed by the intolerable situation that the Allied forces had brought to their homeland, who were disgusted by the inertia of Bab-ı Ali, had come together to cross to Anatolia and to organise a military resistance in Anatolia, since such an attempt was impossible in the capital Istanbul, which was under the domination of the cannons of the Allied navies. These three people were Mustafa Kemal Pasha, who had defeated the British at Anafartalar, Ali Fuat Pasha, the British's determined rival in Palestine, and Rauf Bey, who was still remembered by everyone for his heroic deeds as the commander of Hamidiye in the Balkan War.
Meanwhile, Sultan Vahdettin, who was as sceptical and distrustful as his brother Abdülhamit, had become suspicious of Mustafa Kemal Pasha, whose influence in the army was very strong. He was looking for ways to remove Mustafa Kemal Pasha from Istanbul and, fearing that he was aware of these feelings, he himself, in a private meeting, offered Mustafa Kemal Pasha the post of civil and military inspector in Eastern Anatolia, which had been created for Mustafa Kemal Pasha and had extremely wide powers.
This offer was a gift that fell from the sky for Mustafa Kemal Pasha. As we have mentioned, he had been tossing around the idea of a large-scale undertaking in Anatolia, diametrically opposed to the Sultan's ideas. In the matter of reaching Anatolia, he was looking for ways to circumvent Ferit Pasha's officers and the British ambassador. The way to realise these intentions was facilitated by the Sultan's proposal.
The cunning Mustafa Kemal became more and more aware of the Sultan's game. After a period of self-delusion in order to deceive the enemy, he accepted the offer and boarded the ship to go to Samsun and from that moment on, he embarked on his patriotic adventure with his body and soul. When he arrived in Erzurum, he found people there who were already mobilised thanks to the efforts of the Eastern Anatolian Society of Mudafaa-i Hukuk.
This society is the institution from which the whole national movement originated. Because, when Mustafa Kemal arrived, the society, which considered itself as the administrative centre of Eastern Anatolia, had called for a national congress to convene in this city and the decisions taken there constituted the basis of the movement in question. Pasha immediately joined the congress and was appointed as its chairman. Rauf Bey was also in Erzurum. Ali Fuat Pasha remained in Ankara.
These individuals, all of whom were soldiers, formed the nucleus of the organisation that was to be called the ‘national organisation’. Perhaps we should add the names of Hodja Raif Efendi, a religious man and former MP, and Refet Bey, a former gendarmerie commander, later the Commissioner of Internal Affairs and today the Commissioner of National Defence. However, Mustafa Kemal, Ali Fuat and Rauf were the first three to put forward the idea of military resistance and to give it a practical shape. They rightly deserve the honour and glory above all others, for they brought Turkey out of the lethargy in which she had been languishing and rescued her from the disgraceful fate that threatened her.
The Turkish nation owes them a debt of gratitude for discovering its immense hidden resources which enabled it to escape from political and even physical extinction. As the saviours of its existence and honour, they have been given immortal titles, perhaps surpassing even those of the architects of its past glory. Among them, Mustafa Kemal, who was adopted as a leader from the very beginning, has a different place. In order to satisfy the curiosity of the West, I think it will be sufficient to give a few facts about this person about whom incomplete and often erroneous ideas circulate in foreign countries.
Mustafa Kemal was born in Thessaloniki to a middle class Turkish family. He is 40 years old. Despite his above average height and strong shoulders, he does not give the impression of having a strong body. The reason for this is his thin and long limbs. He has the hands of a priest and the feet of a Spanish nobleman. Indeed, his poor health prevents him from being the representative of the saying ‘Strong like a Turk’. On the other hand, he became a very good fencer thanks to his ability to move gracefully, which is characteristic of his generation, and a perfectly graceful waltz player, a quality that especially concerns ladies.
The qualities and strength of his personality are concentrated in his face. The broad and angular contour of his face reveals his determination and perseverance, while the clearly defined lines indicate unusual mood swings. His broad forehead is a sign of intelligence. His protruding and fleshy nose reveals his self-indulgence. Two large and enormous eyes, unexpectedly thrown by the lightning flashes of violet-blue pupils, together with the slight squint of surprise of his deep and enthusiastic gaze, complete this enormous appearance. From this we understand the face of a jaguar. But if at some moments this face is reminiscent of a carnivorous animal ready to pounce on its prey, at other times it is illuminated by the smile of an extremely delicate child. Perhaps the most appropriate word to describe it would be Saturnian, an English adjective.
Mustafa Kemal is a soldier by profession. During the Great War, he showed admirable commanding skills, especially as a commander at Gallipoli, where he defeated the British in the most severe way. It is the bitter memories of this defeat and the surrender at Kut-ul-Amare that are the main reasons for the unbounded hatred of the British against Turkey. Here, the manner in which he commanded the army in the campaign represents the actions of a man in the true sense of the word. This story deserves to be told.
One day during the Battle of Gallipoli, disaster had become an inevitable fate. The commander-in-chief, Müşir Liman von Sanders, who was disappointed on several sides, turned as a last resort to Mustafa Kemal, who was at that time a mere Miralay (Colonel) and commander of a unit, but whose military ability and infinite power he knew. He called him on the telephone. ‘Do you think there is any way out of this situation?’ he asked. Mustafa Kemal said, ‘Surely there is.’ When he asked, ‘How surely?’ he replied, ‘You can only get out of it by making me Mirliva (Brigadier General) and entrusting me with the management of the operation.’ ‘Wouldn't that be too much?’ he objected. ‘According to some, it may be. I, on the other hand, think that perhaps even this would not be enough and that I could take over the chief command in order not to create an unfavourable situation.’
When the situation worsened during the night, the Commander-in-Chief appointed him to a position at the level of mirliva. Mustafa Kemal achieved a tremendous success with his missing forces and defeated the British in the Battle of Anafartalar, and with the fame he gained in this battle, he had one of the greatest honours of the Great War. He not only kept his promise by solving the issue, but also showed that his confidence was not unjustified. This victory caused the Allies to give up the capture of Constantinople and relieved Turkey of the intolerable pressure of holding on to its capital city.
In addition to his military qualities, Mustafa Kemal had other qualities that enabled him to achieve his present position. First and foremost, leadership qualities. For Mustafa Kemal is first and foremost a leader and he leads people after him. He possesses the mysterious gift through which some privileged individuals exert a powerful influence on others. Today the whole of Turkey is under the influence of this great man.
His more obvious qualities are a determination as strong as steel, perseverance like that of a bulldog, farsightedness, agility to grasp the spiritual form of the situation and to take advantage of it, boldness and caution according to the circumstances, a lively and profound but at the same time raw intelligence that enables him to guess what he does not know, agility of mind, rare ability to argue and prove, and last but not least a unique ability to act. In fact, as a politician as well as a soldier, he was a first-class tactician.
In these two dominant qualities of his personality, which enabled him to rise steadily in rank, Mustafa Kemal, who was extremely determined and thirsty for victory, combined tireless activity with inexhaustible strength. This person is never tired, never frustrated. We always see him above every situation. We are not among those harmed by his actions. So far, the homeland has won. The future will show how far his determination and patriotism as a national leader will take him.
Mustafa Kemal is not perfect. He is not a great man like Washington, morally speaking. He has more than one flaw. The most annoying of them all is that he resorts to every means to eliminate all his rivals who might take away his honour in the matter of saving the country. Because of this extreme jealousy, he creates an unfavourable situation by removing people who could be of great benefit to the country.
Moreover, due to his strong-willed personality, he is too intolerant of advice. He does not favour true friendships and does not pay much attention to the feelings of others. Undoubtedly, at a time when he is expected to sacrifice his feelings for the national cause, it is not such a big deal that he ignores the voice of the heart. Nevertheless, he creates enemies for no reason because of small matters. For this reason, there are more people who respect and fear him than those who love him. In fact, statesman popularity has never been so despised.
Mustafa Kemal Pasha is like this in public life, but in private life he is a completely different person. He generally gets on well with servants, minors and those below him. He is interested in their misery. He treats his subordinates with tolerance and sincerity. He is extremely good-humoured and does not hesitate to create opportunities for conversations and fellowship lasting until the morning. On these occasions, when he is not captivating his companions with the humour and subtlety of his stories, he bewilders them with his most profound and exceptional ideas. Those who see him in this state ask themselves whether this is the same person who, in his official capacity, insults or insults others in the harshest manner. In reality, this is a very gentle and well-intentioned nature, which his ambitions have led astray in the struggle for fame and power. This is the meaning behind the childish smile under the Jaguar mask.
Mustafa Kemal is accused of being up to his neck in debauchery. This is not true. He may be a lover of pleasure. However, he fulfilled his duty in the national cause and renounced his bad habits. This is not a behaviour that can be ignored. His life today is extremely honourable and orderly. Although he had given himself over to excesses in the past, we must say that his excesses were more about disregarding worldly rules rather than indulging in bad habits. In fact, Mustafa Kemal is a rebel against society, whose prejudices he despises and whose rules he disregards. In this respect, he reminds us of Bryon and Alfred de Musset. Even this person's unruly behaviour is marvellous.
In sum, Mustafa Kemal Pasha, whom we have described as an extraordinary person, is an ambitious, extremely patriotic, daring, determined and terrible person in his social life. In his private life, he is a hobbyist, but a hobbyist who restrains himself and is subject to the desires of his soul and the curiosities of his personality. In the execution of the task he is now undertaking, he is destroying everything in his path like a Juggernaut tank with the gritty determination of Cecil and Rhodes, and he is going to work with the inexhaustible resourcefulness of a Cavour and the pragmatic genius of a Mehmet Ali.
With its power of action, it constitutes one of the decisive elements of international politics. It preserves Turkish history in its natural deposits, which England is trying to derail and drive to extinction by building artificial canals. It definitely has a place in the pages of history. It has created this place with great axe blows. This position may grow even bigger, but it cannot shrink.
Even if he is a mixture of good and evil, weakness and strength, virtue and vice, Turkey can only admire and appreciate him. Nevertheless, no matter what he does, it cannot repay him. It owes its survival and the restoration of its honour in the eyes of other nations to him. Nevertheless, let us not neglect to add that the nation's share in this tremendous success is greater than his. The nation has provided him with an inexhaustible ground of heroism and enthusiasm, which he has utilised to the full. If he is a craftsman, the nation is the tool in his hand. A tool which, because of its humility, does not realise its unique quality. As a matter of fact, the salvation of Turkey, and its orientation towards the fortune that will save it from the pain and embarrassment of the last two centuries, is the result of the combination of the qualities of the nation and of the son whom nature has honoured.
It is stubbornly claimed that he was an Ittihadist. Nothing is less true than this. Undoubtedly, long before that, in the early days of the Committee of Union and Progress, he was a member of the party. This was through being the founder of a pro-revolutionary society from which this organisation emerged. After a short period of time, they parted ways. He was never involved in the Centre-i Umumi, which was in charge of the administration of the society, and he was not involved in the secret politics conducted by this centre. On the contrary, he took an opposing stance to it. He did not carry out this opposition in a very active way because he was in favour of staying away from politics as a requirement of his profession as a soldier. He has never been under the influence of any Unionist leader, and it must be said again that even in his current situation, he aims only to achieve final victory.
Anyone familiar with the personality of Mustafa Kemal, who is aware of Turkish politics since the Revolution, will find ridiculous the myth which seeks to portray him as an instrument of the now non-existent Committee of Union and Progress. It is also alleged that he received instructions from the governments in Berlin or Moscow. This was done by the British, who wanted to defame him and his movement in the eyes of the Western public opinion.
If better relations had been established between him and these nations, the National Chef could have given a new shape to his movement, which he based on the rights and strength of Turkey and which he was sure would not be accepted by the Allied Powers or the West, whose sense of justice and humanity towards Turkey, together with the great masses of its citizens, he did not trust, by co-operating with the Sufiists, who were refugees in Berlin, or with Wilhelmstrasse, even if the French approach had taken a more moderate turn.
He, on the other hand, declared an alliance between the Ankara government and the Soviet government, and he did this at a time when Lenin had already been declared the Antichrist throughout the West and consecrated to the creatures of hell. It is astonishing to think that in view of this act it is still claimed that Turkey is a tool under the rule of this or that foreign state and that it cannot do anything on its own, and especially that it cannot succeed, and that Mustafa Kemal repulsed the Greeks in Sakarya thanks to the plans of the German Chief of the General Staff. But who knows? When a decisive victory is won by the National Forces, we will undoubtedly hear the news that Ludendorf himself is in Ankara and is with Mustafa Kemal. These malicious foolishnesses must be put to an end.
In short, Mustafa Kemal is neither a Unionist nor a Bolshevik. Perhaps it is enough to be a Turk who loves his homeland to be accused of chauvinism, fanaticism and Unionism. Mustafa Kemal Pasha entered the political scene as a result of the Sultan's lack of understanding of his duties and interests and the laxity of Bab-ı Ali, which was also caused by his stupidity. Independent of the Istanbul government and its opponents, he started a movement that would turn into an attempt of resistance in the provinces.
