The "Hatay" Challenge of the Syrian People's Assembly
First of all, let's say right from the beginning, the declaration of the Syrian People's Assembly is not directly about the "Hatay" challenge, but about the "Liva-i İskenderun" inherited from the Ottoman Empire, dear readers. The Syrian Administration has been accepting the 'Liva-yi Iskenderun', in other words, 'Iskenderun Sanjak' as a state policy for 82 years since 1939, and attaches special attention and importance not to even think of 'Hatay'. It is, in a sense, a matter of existence. In other words, a complete Aristotelian logic is dominant. “The Turks stole the Iskenderun flag, so I am Syrian.” There is only one word to be said for this description, and that is "come and get it". In my opinion, this is no different from the so-called Armenian genocide discourse. As Ibn Khaldun stated, trying to create a nation by creating another, an enemy. In short, to attempt an artificial nation-state architecture. Is it possible? Impossible. The main thing is to institutionalize the similarities. Atatürk's Turkey, which institutionalizes the similarities, continues to develop.
Another issue is that the whole purpose of the Syrian Administration, especially the Baath Party, is to show Turkey to the world public as irredendist. The well-known irredentism has been used to mean claiming rights over communities that one country considers cognate in terms of language and ethnicity, while living within its own borders, remaining within the political borders of another country after the war, and wanting to include the lands of this community within its borders. This is why Syria accuses the Republic of Turkey of being irredentist for Hatay. This is the crux of the matter.
Iskenderun Sanjak; At the end of the First World War, it was included in the French sphere of influence in line with the Sykes-Picot secret agreement. This place is important. With the Ankara Agreement signed on 20 October 1921 between Turkey and France during the National Struggle, a special form of administration was given to the Iskenderun Sanjak, which was left within the borders of Syria. According to the provisions of this agreement, an autonomous administration would be established in Hatay, the majority of which were Turks. All kinds of convenience would be provided to the Turks in the preservation of their national culture and Turkish would be used as the official language. Thereupon, France registered Hatay and its environs with the League of Nations under the name of "Government of Northern Syria". This is why Hatay has been recognized internationally as an autonomous administration. On the other hand, although the Sanjak Region was within the borders of the National Pact, it had to be accepted that the region was separated from the motherland at a time when the War of Independence had not yet achieved a decisive victory. Again, according to this agreement, one of the two guarantor states of Hatay was France and the other was the GNAT Government. In the War of Independence, this gain is extremely valuable.
The second gain is the authority of the Republic of Turkey to have soldiers in Hatay. Let's explain. Except for Hatay, before France transferred its sovereign rights to Syria, a total of 5000 Turkish and French military forces were deployed in equal numbers in Hatay with the agreement signed between Turkish and French delegations on 3 July 1938. In this way, the status of Hatay was preserved. Let's also note that the French colonial administration used the administrative division of the Ottoman Empire in Syria and used the term "Sanjak of Iskenderun" in this context. As for the name of 'Hatay', this is the third achievement. The Hatay Assembly, which convened on September 6, 1938, took the name "Hatay", which was formerly named after Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, the constitution prepared by the League of Nations was approved, the official name of the state was changed to "Hatay State", the Turkish National Anthem and the new national anthem. The Flag Law was adopted. The flag of the Hatay State was accepted as the flag filled with red stars drawn by Mustafa Kemal Atatürk himself.
Yes, dear readers, the fact that the Syrian administration is challenging the Republic of Turkey with a collaborative attitude is due to the fact that they could not accept the adventure of joining the homeland of Hatay, in short, they could not digest the unanimous participation of the Hatay Assembly to the motherland of Turkey. Let's say it while we're at it. Sanjak is an administrative division term just like township or district. It is a self-sufficient public administrative region that uses a budget larger than the district and smaller than the province. Just like the province, it is an administrative management mechanism that can use the appropriations given from the central government. It is a sanjak like Kars, Ardahan, Batumi Elviye-yi Selase (Three Liva's), 'Voyvodina' in Serbia and Cebel-i Lebanon. Today, it is a big town like 'Tarsus'. Why is that, why is the legal word "Hatay" not accepted with the studies carried out under the auspices of the League of Nations? Because if it is accepted, they will not be able to talk about Turkey's invasion. In this way, the anti-Turkish, anti-Turkish hostility fueled by the Syrian central government is a 'Baath Party' classic in keeping the Syrian people together and tightening their ranks. Ba'ath Party on the basis of rebirth Arab
While the Regional Leadership (Kyyada Kutruyye) organizes its geography, it tries to ensure integration in the context of Arab nationalism. However, the expansionist French, who came to the region with the disintegration of the Ottoman Empire after the First World War, thought of Syria as a colony in "Syria in Five Pieces". “Devle Aleviyyun (Alevi State), Devle Aleppo (Aleppo State), Devle Dimaşki (Damascus State), Devle Durzi (Druze State), Devle Maroni (Maroni State)” is a satellite statelet systematic reflected in the field. Today, Israel is the number one follower of this view. In fact, this view is the Bonapartist view of Napoleon Bonaparte, whom Marx, who came directly to the region and organized Zionism, slammed into the ground. Bonapartism, under the guise of a republic, is a strong central government, the bloody suppression of all central and peripheral opposition by military forces, and the establishment of absolute monarchy through a popular class reformism. Incidentally, let's say that while the Alawite State covers relatively Northern Syria centered in the province of Latakia; The Druze State also includes the Golan, Hauran and northern Jordan; The Christian Maronite State, on the other hand, includes present-day Lebanon. Like the Havran district of Balıkesir in our country, the Havran region in Syria includes the Golan Heights in the west; It includes the Rift Valley in Jordan and the Jabal ad-Duruz (Druze Mountain) region to the east. Druze, on the other hand, was influenced by religions originating from the Middle East such as Sabi'ism and Ezidism, in the XI. It is a monotheistic religious belief community that emerged from the Ismailia branch of the Shiite sect of Islam in the 19th century. The other two satellite states are located within the borders of the provinces of Aleppo and Damascus, almost like the “Ancient Greek City State”. Interestingly, in this systematic, religious structure and geographical region populism are combined with each other. The concepts of populism and geographical populism, which are the basic concepts of contemporary political science, are used in order to define and characterize many political movements and actors that are quite different from each other - even opposing - in such situations and structures where institutionalization is not fully established. Because it is an ambiguous concept, populism has such a wide usage that it can be defined in terms of completely opposite political positions, such as real democracy on the one hand, and fascist dictatorship on the other. (one)
The Baath Administration, which exported terror to Turkey as in previous years, has increased the dose of these challenges with the Syrian civil war. Undoubtedly, the challenges of the regime's Foreign Minister Faisal Mikdad against Turkey, as well as Bashar Assad, played an important role in this situation. Mikdad, who is at the center of the challenges to Turkey from the Syrian regime, a favorite of Bashar Assad, joined the Syrian Ministry of Foreign Affairs in 1994 and served as the Deputy Foreign Minister from 2006 until the death of Walid Muallem on 16 November 2020, served as Foreign Minister instead of Muallim. has been appointed. Incidentally, Mikdad is not an elected, but an appointed professional officer. In his speech at the 76th General Assembly of the United Nations (UN) in New York in 2021, Mikdad condemned the Turkish and American military presence in the north of his country and stated that the presence of Turkish and American soldiers is illegal and constitutes a blatant violation of international law. Mikdad didn't stop there, he voiced his challenge to Turkey with the following words:
“Just as we wiped out terrorists from much of Syria, we will end the occupation with the same perseverance and determination, using all possible means of international law.” (2nd)
The last point and the last straw of these challenges was the declaration of the Syrian People's Assembly, which was published on November 29, 2021, targeting the Republic of Turkey. The Syrian People's Assembly, which consists of 250 members as the legislative body of the Assad regime, won the majority in the parliament with the National Progressive Front, which was formed against the UN election control, with 183 seats, 167 of which were from the Baath Party, in the elections held on 19 July 2020. There is almost no opposition in the People's Assembly, where the concept of legitimacy is relative. (3) Let us now come to the declaration of the Syrian Parliament under Bashar Assad, on the 82nd Anniversary of the 'State of Hatay' joining Turkey of its own free will. The name of the statement is the People's Assembly Declaration on the 82nd Anniversary of the Turkish Occupation of the Iskenderun Sanjak (Syria). This statement made by the so-called People's Assembly, insulting the Turkish nation literally caused the end of patience. Claiming that Hatay is Syrian territory, the parliament of the regime has also arrogantly declared that everything will be done to reclaim the region. When looked at, the direct target of the provocative statements in the aforementioned declaration is the targeting of President Erdogan's administration and the Turkish people. In the declaration insultingly they call 'President Erdogan's Brothers and Avenesi'. Perhaps the most important of the provocative expressions is the direct use of the word "Steal". One of the most striking aspects of the statement made, and most importantly, is described as follows:
“The stolen Sanjak is an inseparable part of the Syrian lands, (…) Syrians will do the most valuable thing until the stolen rights are returned to their rightful owner. They insist on achieving victory with the efforts of the members of the Syrian Arab Army in taking back all the seized lands.”(4)
Yes Dear readers, is this situation unique to today? No it is not. While I was serving as Military Attaché at the Turkish embassy in Damascus towards the end of the eighties, I witnessed similar demonstrations led by the Baath Party in front of the Turkish Embassy on the same date. What would they do? They would shout and shout. They wouldn't even remember that they had done such a thing until the next year, they would forget. It was obvious that these shows were prepared on the impulse of someone. So how did Hatay join the motherland? Let us now examine the distinguishing features of this event one by one.
In the 1930s, due to the expansionist-aggressive-fascist policies of Italy and Germany, France, like other countries, started to abandon its mandates. France in 1936; He stated that he had withdrawn their mandate rights over Syria and Lebanon. The balances in the region had changed with the lifting of France's mandate over Syria and Lebanon in 1935. France transferred all its rights in the region to Syria on November 9, 1936, but this situation did not please Turkey. Thereupon, Turkey declared with a harsh note that the Ankara Agreement was violated. When the problem between France and Turkey could not be resolved, the issue was taken to the League of Nations. While Syria's process of gaining independence was evolving into another phase, Turkey immediately brought the "Iskenderun Sancak Issue" (Hatay Issue) to the agenda on the basis of international law. The proposal of France to take the Sanjak Question to the League of Nations was accepted by Turkey, and the problem was taken to the League of Nations. The League of Nations, which discussed the issue between 14-16 December 1936, appointed Swedish rapporteur Ambassador Sandler to settle the conflict. In the report prepared by Sandler; He recommended that a three-person observer delegation be sent to the region, that the parties meet through the rapporteur, and that the problem be re-addressed at the League of Nations in January 1937. However, in this process, no consensus could be reached in the negotiations, and tensions arose between the people in Hatay from time to time. Finally, the negotiations progressed at the League of Nations meeting on January 20, 1937, and on January 26, Turkey and France reached an agreement in principle. On January 27, 1937, the "Sandler Report" was approved by the League of Nations, today's United Nations. According to this report;
- As a "separate entity" within the borders of Syria, Sanjak would be independent in internal affairs and dependent on Syria in foreign affairs, but Syria would not be able to take decisions that would degrade the status of Sanjak without the permission of the League of Nations Council. (6)
- In the starboard, the official language will be Turkish. For a second language the MC Council can decide.
- A customs and monetary union will be established between Syria and the sanjak; Coordination will be ensured with private officers regarding joint works.
- The region will be demilitarized (disarmed).
- A delegate of French nationality will be appointed to the sanjak to oversee compliance with the sanjak status and constitution.
- The territorial integrity of the sanjak will be under the guarantee of France and Turkey.
As can be seen, the statute, which dealt with the Sandler report in detail, accepted Arabic as an official language besides Turkish. According to the constitution, the legislative power is bound to be a two-stage election to include various communities. Sanjak would be represented by 40 deputies and regardless of the election result, 8 Turks, 6 Alevis, 2 Arabs, 2 Armenians and one Orthodox-Greek deputies would be elected. Let us say without going into any detail that the League of Nations accepted the Turkish majority in Hatay in advance. Before going to the elections, ballot box committees were established to control the quality of being a voter in the electoral districts. A total of 56,972 people, including 35,847 (63 percent), Alevi 11319 (20 percent), Armenian 5504 (10 percent), Arab 1845 (3 percent), Greek Orthodox 2098 (5 percent), and 359 people (under thousand) to the Turkish community. registered and gained voter status. The Electoral College (Electoral College), which was created similar to the US Presidential system, was accepted as 358 Turks, 113 Alevis, 55 Armenians, 18 Arabs, and 20 Greek-Orthodox second-degree voters, since one out of every 100 voters was counted as second-degree voters. Thus, according to this result, 22 Turks with 55 percent of the vote potential in the parliament, which will consist of 40 deputies; 9 Alevis (22.5 percent); 5 Armenians (12.5 percent); 2 Arabs (5 percent); It was determined as 2 (5 percent) Orthodox-Greek. According to the constitution, which has not yet been ratified, the parliament would elect the president, who would appoint the prime minister. The government to be formed would consist of five members, and the judiciary would be independent. The Statute and the Constitution entered into force on 29 November 1937. (7)
After all this, now it is necessary to ask the Baath administration, right? HOW CAN THE ARABITY OF THE ISKENDERUN STANDARD BE DEFENDED WITH ITS 5 PERCENT ARAB MINORITY, OR HOW CAN THE WORLD PUBLIC PUBLIC OPEN UP? What can we say, the mouth is talking.
Let's continue to look at the history of Hatay together. With the opening of the parliament, all deputies took an oath in Turkish.
President of the People's Party Aldulgani appointed the Chairman of the Turkmen Assembly, President Tayfur Sökmen appointed Abdurrahman Melek to form the government, the Council of Ministers formed on September 6, 1938 received a vote of confidence from the parliament, the constitution prepared by the League of Nations was approved on the same day, the official name of the state was changed to "Hatay State". As stated before, the Turkish National Anthem and the new Flag Law were adopted.
After the establishment of the Hatay State, the closeness between Turkey and Hatay was ensured, provided that the laws in force in Turkey were accepted exactly. In addition, Community Centers accelerated their activities in Hatay and efforts were made to create a public opinion in Hatay regarding participation in the homeland. (8) The Hatay Problem continued throughout the process, but it was seen that the Sandler Report had positive effects on the integration of Hatay into the homeland. Hatay Sanjak, which left Syria on September 2, 1938, became an independent state; On June 29, 1939, it joined Turkey with the decision of the Assembly. As a result; In this whole process, Hatay, which was occupied and annexed by the French after the Armistice of Mudros and was within the borders of the National Pact, joined Turkey voluntarily. It's legitimate, it's legal. On the European political structure II. On the eve of the World War II, Hatay decided to join Turkey of its own free will, in order to establish all phases and conditions for Turkey on a legal basis.
So what do we do after all this? If you say so, as I have repeatedly said in many television programs, the Republic of Turkey should not even address this rudeness to itself. Indeed, it has happened. Only the response of Ambassador Tanju Bilgiç, Spokesperson of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, to the following statement was sufficient. It is true and appropriate:
“We strongly reject the limitless and unlawful statement of the People's Assembly, which does not represent the Syrian people in any way and lacks democratic legitimacy, targeting the territorial integrity of our country.”
“Such statements are another manifestation of the delusion that a regime that has been oppressing its own people for years, responsible for the deaths of hundreds of thousands of innocent people and the displacement of millions from their homes, cannot escape from.”
“Turkey, as in the past, has the determination and determination to retaliate against all kinds of threats to its national interests and the cowardly ambitions that covet its homeland today and in the future.”(5)
Yes indeed, dear readers, the Syrian People's Assembly does not represent the Syrian people in any way, and is far from democratic legitimacy. For this reason, not being in touch with, not paying attention to, not speaking sometimes affects much more than the Ottoman slap. Let's say, dear readers, that when the Syrian regime in Damascus is treated as if it does not exist, or when there is no contact, it will also greatly affect the warmongers.
References:
(1) Salim Orhan, “Popülizm, Liberal Demokrasi ve Faşizm Denklemi”, Ankara Üniversitesi Hukuk Fakültesi Dergisi, Sa.68 (4), Ankara, 2019, s795.
(2) Deutsche Welle Türkçe, “Mikdad: Türk ve Amerikan askerlerini Suriye'den çıkaracağız”, 28.09.2021; https://www.dw.com/tr/mikdad-t%C3%BCrk-ve-amerikan-askerlerini-suriyeden-%C3%A7%C4%B1karaca%C4%9F%C4%B1z/a-59334018/Erişim Tarihi 12.12.2021/
(4)Parliament.gv.sy; يان مجلس الشعب في الذكرى الثانية والثمانين لسلخ لواء إسكندرون السليب ٢٩ تشرين الثاني ١٩٣٩ - ٢٩ تشرين الثاني ٢٠٢١; (5)http://www.parliament.gov.sy/arabic/index.php?node=554&nid=22770&First=0&Last=2755&CurrentPage=0&mid=&refBack=/Erişim Tarihi 12.12.2021/
(6) Adnan Sofuoğlu, “Hatay’ın (Sancak) Bağımsızlığı ve Türkiye’ye Katılımı”, Türk Yurdu Dergisi, Ekim 2011-Yıl 100-Sayı 290; https://www.turkyurdu.com.tr/yazar-yazi.php?id=1717/Erişim Tarihi12.12.2021/
(7) İsmail Soysal, “Hatay Sorunu ve Türk-Fransız Siyasal İlişkileri (1936-1939)”, Belleten, C. XLIX, Sayı:193, (Nisan 1985), s. 544-564.
(8) Yusuf Sarınay, “Atatürk’ün Hatay Politikası-II (1938-1939)” Atatürk Araştırma Merkezi Dergisi, C: XII, Sayı:35(Temmuz 1996), s.413.
(1) Salim Orhan, “Popülizm, Liberal Demokrasi ve Faşizm Denklemi”, Ankara Üniversitesi Hukuk Fakültesi Dergisi, Sa.68 (4), Ankara, 2019, s795.
(2) Deutsche Welle Türkçe, “Mikdad: Türk ve Amerikan askerlerini Suriye'den çıkaracağız”, 28.09.2021; https://www.dw.com/tr/mikdad-t%C3%BCrk-ve-amerikan-askerlerini-suriyeden-%C3%A7%C4%B1karaca%C4%9F%C4%B1z/a-59334018/Erişim Tarihi 12.12.2021/
(4)Parliament.gv.sy; يان مجلس الشعب في الذكرى الثانية والثمانين لسلخ لواء إسكندرون السليب ٢٩ تشرين الثاني ١٩٣٩ - ٢٩ تشرين الثاني ٢٠٢١; (5)http://www.parliament.gov.sy/arabic/index.php?node=554&nid=22770&First=0&Last=2755&CurrentPage=0&mid=&refBack=/Erişim Tarihi 12.12.2021/
(6) Adnan Sofuoğlu, “Hatay’ın (Sancak) Bağımsızlığı ve Türkiye’ye Katılımı”, Türk Yurdu Dergisi, Ekim 2011-Yıl 100-Sayı 290; https://www.turkyurdu.com.tr/yazar-yazi.php?id=1717/Erişim Tarihi12.12.2021/
(7) İsmail Soysal, “Hatay Sorunu ve Türk-Fransız Siyasal İlişkileri (1936-1939)”, Belleten, C. XLIX, Sayı:193, (Nisan 1985), s. 544-564.
(8) Yusuf Sarınay, “Atatürk’ün Hatay Politikası-II (1938-1939)” Atatürk Araştırma Merkezi Dergisi, C: XII, Sayı:35(Temmuz 1996), s.413.
