Relations of the New Turkish States with NATO after the Disintegration of the Soviet Union
As the newly established Turkic Republics entered the process of statehood systematics, on the one hand, they modernised under the new NATO umbrella with the "Partnership for Peace" (PfP) projects, and on the other hand, they took twinning (tvvinning) as a planning guide with Turkey, which they targeted and tried to resemble, as "Strong Turkey-Strong Army", which expresses two organisational structures that are inseparably linked to each other.
As the Soviet Union (SB), which lost the "Cold War" against NATO, entered the process of disintegration, "Kyrgyzstan, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan" in Central Asia and *'Azerbaijan' in the Caucasus declared their independence and five independent Turkish Republics, which have ethnic origin and religious ties with Turkey, emerged on the stage of history without a state system.
Under the influence of the bipolar political structure during the Cold War, Soviet Russia created dependent structures in the entire SB geography under the guise of military aid within the framework of the Warsaw Military Pact. Especially in the military field, the armies of the Turkish Republics were brought to a point where they were closely dependent on Soviet Russia. As the newly established Turkic Republics entered the process of statehood systematics, on the one hand, they modernised under the new NATO umbrella with the "Partnership for Peace" (PfP) projects, and on the other hand, they took twinning (twinning) as a planning guide with Turkey, which they targeted and tried to resemble, as "Strong Turkey-Strong Army", which expresses two organisational structures that are inseparably linked to each other.
With the dissolution of the Soviet Union in the early 1990s, "Kyrgyzstan, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan" in Central Asia and "Azerbaijan" in the Caucasus declared their independence, and five independent Turkish Republics with ethnic and religious ties to Turkey emerged on the stage of history without a state system. In fact, the Turkey-Azerbaijan articulation paved the way to reach Turkestan, which was dismembered by USSR leader Joseph Stalin in 1935.
In fact, after the Russians captured almost all of Turkestan, they took many measures to prevent the emergence of a national formation in the Turkish provinces. As a result of these efforts, Turkic communities were transformed into federative republics through communist organisation. Especially during the Stalin period, in order to Russify the Turks, as if the negative activities they carried out in terms of language-alphabet, history and religion were not enough, Turkestan was exploited and colonised in terms of economy.
Integration with the Turkestan geography became clear as a utopian goal with the articulation of Azerbaijan at a time when Turkey was unprepared and unexpected. For this reason, the Republic of Turkey was the first state to recognise the Republic of Azerbaijan, which declared its independence on 30 August 1991, on 9 November 1991. Diplomatic relations were established on 14 January 1992 and our representation in Baku, which was serving as Consulate General, was upgraded to the level of Embassy.
Following the uncertainties and threats in the South Caucasus and Central Asian Turkic Republics region, which includes Georgia, Armenia and Azerbaijan, the six Commonwealth member states decided to conclude a treaty on defence and security. Accordingly, on 15 May 1992, the leaders of Russia, Armenia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan met in Tashkent and signed the 'Collective Security Treaty', which entered into force in 1994.
In 1993 Azerbaijan and Georgia and in 1994 Belarus became parties to the treaty, which can be extended every five years on a consensual basis. Russia has been the most influential power in the Caucasus for three centuries, including Tsarist Russia, the Russian Empire, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) and the RF. With the collapse of the USSR, separatist movements, particularly centred on Chechnya, re-emerged in the North Caucasus, which had historically had problematic relations with Russia. In the following period, the problems in the North Caucasus were transformed due to the developments in the RF and the region. With the collapse of the USSR, the southern borders of the North Caucasus, which were previously internal administrative borders, became international borders. The Soviet Socialist Republics (SSR) of Azerbaijan, Georgia and Armenia, located in the South Caucasus, south of the Caucasus mountain range, were transformed into three independent states after the collapse of the USSR, and the South Caucasus states were included in the international system as a geopolitical sub-region. On the one hand, global and regional powers continue to struggle for interests over the South Caucasus states, while on the other hand, internal and interstate conflicts have emerged. All conflicts in the North and South Caucasus, which developed and were frozen with Moscow's intervention, were reactivated with the involvement of the Russian Federation and led to new developments in the region. The conflict-ridden security environment in the Caucasus has been constantly active, most recently re-emerging in 2020 with the Second Karabakh War. The fact that Chechnya in the North Caucasus was the first region where the RF fought conventionally (twice), and Georgia in the South Caucasus was the second, reveals the importance and sensitivity of the Caucasus for the security of the RF. The new Russian geopolitics has turned Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan and Tajikistan, where many Turks live, into states that protect Russian and Armenian interests in the Caucasus. In the Turkish century, RF has put forward its own geopolitics against the opening to the Turkestan geography with Turkey-Azerbaijan articulation, but did not activate the "Collective Security Treaty" in the Second Karabakh War, did not take the lead, and provided a kind of indirect support in the liberation of Azerbaijani territories unjustly occupied by Armenia in the First Karabakh War.
Ibn Khaldun's View of the State
Their need for national consciousness and power, which Ibn Khaldun's concept of "asabiyyah" (asabiyyah), to protect against and repel enemy attack, which forms the basis of Ibn Khaldun's view of the "state", was at a distinctly low level. The state had been established, but the shortcomings were also evident. The deficiencies became evident in Zeki Velidi Togan's interpretation of Ibn Khaldun's concept of asabiyyah as follows:
"The power of will that establishes and administers the state; the source of energy of the nations that establish the state, social solidarity, national solidarity, ideological and religious cohesion, a sense of tribal and national unity, the dynamic power of the masses that excite the owner and are fed with positive ideologies"
As it is clearly seen above, the systematics of statehood necessitates the construction of a nation within the framework of Ibn Khaldun's "Theory of Asabiyyah". In the state-building systematic, the "Theory of Asabiyyah" sits on a distinct ground as a resonant bond that draws its strength from solidarity, solidarity and a sense of belonging and gives the power to fight enemies. It must be accepted in advance that a society that cannot establish its asabiyyah is doomed to disintegrate and disappear in the face of the slightest force. The issue is not only related to common roots and common history, but it is an important issue that takes place and takes root in the consciousness of the nation.
Mackinder's Theory of Land Dominance and Central Asia
Undoubtedly, the region constitutes the focal point of the heartland in British geographer and geopolitician Halford Mackinder's famous theory of territorial dominance. "A state that dominates Eastern Europe dominates the Heartland. Whoever dominates the Heartland first dominates the Inner-Rim Crescent (Rimland). Then it will dominate the Outer-Circle Crescent, that is, the whole world." The attractiveness of this theory has suddenly increased interest in the region. Various powers, which could not reach this region, which is unique in terms of its strategic location, during the USSR period, started to carry out active activities as a result of the loss of Russia's monopoly. The USA, which is one of the leading powers, has been right on target in choosing the means to realise its goals. The instrument of the US policy has been active military co-operation. Undoubtedly, in the period following the dissolution of the Soviet Union, the Central Asian Turkic States had to deal with various internal problems such as state and nation building, sudden and unplanned economic transformations, ethnic crises and uncontrolled migrations, on the one hand, and defence and security problems on the other.
What are the relations of the Central Asian Turkic Republics with the "New NATO"?
The Charter of the United Nations (UN) Organisation, which was established after the massive destruction of the Second World War, created a structure based on the rule of law, in which diplomacy would be used as the most important tool in international relations in order to prevent a similar human tragedy from happening again. In the words of the British Lord Hastings Lionel Ismay, the first Secretary General of the Alliance, in March 1952, NATO was established to "keep the Russians out, the Americans in and the Germans down". In the half century since its establishment, the North Atlantic Alliance (NATO) has, in the words of many experts, achieved a "victory" by ensuring, without firing a single bullet, the collapse of the Soviet Union, which it saw as the source of the threat that was its raison d'être. In other words, NATO has always been a tool for the US expansion into Eurasia since its establishment. With the end of the Cold War, the decisions taken at two important summits in the early 90s, the first in London and the second in Rome, determined the future of NATO and the functionality of the new NATO was ensured with the new strategy put forward. Replacing the concept of threat with the concept of risk, NATO has shown risks such as terrorism, environmental problems and the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, which are vital for international security, as the continuation of its existence in the new process. In practice, the new 'NATO' would cooperate with the European Union (EU) and the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) and participate in United Nations (UN) peacekeeping operations. NATO went a step further and established the Combined Joint Task Force.
Cooperation between NATO and the Central Asian Turkic Republics began in 1994 with the signing of NATO's "Partnership for Peace" (PfP) programme. Countries participating in the PPS also adopt the principles adopted in NATO. These principles include the obligations enshrined in the UN Charter, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the inviolability of borders, the independence and territorial integrity of countries and the peaceful settlement of disputes. Of the five republics of Central Asia, the four Turkic Republics of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan have joined the UNO. It can be clearly seen that this cooperation, which took place on paper in the 90s, has become active in practice today.
Active cooperation started as a result of the events of 11 September 2001, when the International Anti-Terrorism Coalition, supported by the UN and NATO, declared its war against terrorism, which is considered as a "common enemy".
Another feature of the BIO is NATO's role in modernising the armies of the states participating in the BIO. In fact, this means to make the armies of the region more like western armies by providing them with training and logistical support, and to replace Russian military technology, which forms the basis of the military-technical equipment of the regional armies. Thus, it is calculated that the Central Asian Turkic States will not be dependent on Russia or China in military and technical matters, but on Western countries, primarily the USA. NATO's transfer of military technology to Central Asia was intended to increase its influence over the states in the region and to cut off the region from countries such as Russia and China, which could pose a potential threat to NATO. As can be seen, NATO's cooperation with the Central Asian Turkic states is not only in the military field, but also in the political field and is supported by its military presence in practice. According to the 1949 Treaty of Washington on the Establishment of NATO, NATO's main task is to protect the freedom and security of the member states by political and military means. The military cooperation of the Central Asian Turkic Republics with NATO can be evaluated on a country-by-country basis as follows.
Kyrgyzstan's New Relations with NATO
"Gansi", located on the territory of "Manas" airport near Bishkek, is both a US military base and a NATO base. More than 1000 US troops are stationed at this base, together with US military aircraft, various technical means and military equipment. The military base was used to support the anti-terrorist coalition during the war in Afghanistan. Although most of the troops and aircraft at the base belong to the United States, military personnel and aircraft of NATO member states are also stationed at "Gansi". As a matter of fact, since December 2001, Norway, Denmark, the Netherlands, France, France, Spain and Italy have sent their military units to the base. The advantage of Kyrgyzstan over Tajikistan in terms of US basing was explained by General Tommy Franks, the Commander of the US Central Command, for two reasons after his visit to the country in 2002. The first is that Islam is less influential in Kyrgyzstan, and the second is that Russia's influence is less. According to the agreement between the USA and Kyrgyzstan, the lease period of the base is covered by the US budget and can be extended every three years. In return, with the support of the US, Kyrgyzstan, the poorest and weakest of the countries in the region, became a member of the World Trade Organisation before other countries.
Uzbekistan's Relations with the New NATO
In 1994, Uzbekistan joined the "Partnership for Peace" programme and carried out military cooperation with the USA and Western countries within the framework of military training. Uzbek officers were undergoing internships in NATO member states and participating in regional military training. Military relations with Uzbekistan were not a priority for the US until 11 September.
However, 5 October 2001 marked an important turning point in the history of US-Uzbekistan foreign relations. The first US military air base was opened in the former Soviet space, 500 kilometres from Tashkent and 200 kilo metres from the border with Afghanistan.
Since October 2001, the base, called "Khanabad", has accommodated more than 1500 US troops. "Khanabad" has been leased by the USA for at least 20 years, and thanks to the Americans, the departure strip has been repaired and the local infrastructure has been renewed. In addition to this base, the airport in the settlement of "Kkeydi" is also used by the United States. In addition, there is another military airbase in the town of Termez on the border with Afghanistan, where German troops are based. This base was used to provide military-technical support to the coalition forces in the Afghanistan War and to send humanitarian aid to the Afghan people. As a result of these developments, an agreement on strategic co-operation was signed between Uzbekistan and the USA in 2002. As a result of this agreement, the US started to transfer military technical equipment and equipment to Uzbekistan as a free service within the framework of the military training programme.
Turkmenistan's Relations with the New NATO
Before 11 September, US oil companies were based in Turkmenistan, a fossil fuel producing country, and Turkmenistan was cooperating with the US in various fields. This included cooperation between Ashgabat and Washington in the areas of humanitarian aid, cultural and anti-drug activities.
In the military sphere, the IMET (Military Education and Training) programme between the two countries involved the internship of nearly twenty Turkmen officers in US military institutions. After 11 September 2001, the US administration wanted to intensify military cooperation with Turkmenistan by establishing its own military bases. However, President Turkmenbashi rejected the placement of US military bases in Turkmenistan. In spite of these unfavourable developments, President Niyazov allowed humanitarian aid to be sent from his country to Afghanistan, thus enabling Turkmenistan to become a logistics base.
During a visit to the Turkmen capital in April 2002, US Secretary of Defence Donald Henry Rumsfeld proposed to President Niyazov that Turkmenistan join NATO's "Partnership for Peace" programme. The present example is one of the indicators of NATO's role as a tool for objectives that the United States cannot achieve directly.
Kazakhstan's New Relations with NATO
As one of the Central Asian states without foreign military bases, Kazakhstan's military cooperation with NATO has been and is mainly in the form of military-technical assistance. Thus, in February 2004, Secretary of Defence Donald H. Rumsfeld and Kazakhstan's Minister of Defence, General M. Altynbayev, discussed bilateral military-technical cooperation, which resulted in Washington allocating US$ 4.5 million in 2004 for military equipment and training of Kazakh military personnel. It was reported in the press that the White House was ready to spend 200 million US dollars for the destruction of weapons inherited from Soviet times. In 2005, with US assistance, barracks for Kazakh soldiers were built near the Caspian coast in western Kazakhstan.
At the same time, grants were provided several times for the creation of a Kazakh navy in the Caspian Sea. In our opinion, the main reason why the US wants to increase its relations and military cooperation in Central Asia, especially with Kazakhstan, is Kazakhstan's purchasing power from fossil fuels. As a result of the cooperation, which initially started with grants and aids, it is expected that Kazakhstan's army will be accustomed to its own technology and military equipment by moving away from Russian-made weapons and technologies. Over time, the Central Asian Turkic states, which use only American weapons and technology, will become a market dependent on the United States. Due to Russia's influence, there are no US or NATO military facilities in Kazakhstan, and Kazakhstan's membership in NATO is not intended. However, it is known that Kazakhstan will continue to cooperate with NATO under the "Partnership for Peace" programme.
Tajikistan's New Relations with NATO
Although sometimes described as a Turkish State, Tajiks are an Iranian nation, the majority of whom live in Afghanistan and Tajikistan. The vast majority of Tajiks, who call themselves Tajiks, live in their homeland of Mâverâünnehir and Khorasan in countries such as Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan, Kazakhstan, Afghanistan, Iran, India, Pakistan, China and the Russian Federation. With a common border of 1344 kilometres with Afghanistan, Tajikistan was one of the first countries to provide space for a military base for NATO coalition forces after 11 September, and has also been the diplomatic centre of the forces opposing the Taliban regime in Afghanistan. Today, as in the past, Tajikistan hosts a NATO military airbase within its borders. The airbase also houses aircraft of the French air force and more than 120 military personnel. Since 2001, Great Britain has funded an English language study programme at Tajikistan's military institute and high school, and every year Tajik officers undertake internships in British armed forces training establishments. In October 2003, a German military delegation visited Dushanbe and reached an agreement on bilateral military and military-technical co-operation.