The Turkmen Will Rising from Damascus (Part 1)

On 8 December 2024, with the collapse of the Assad regime, Syria entered a new era. The Turkmen were among the first to support President Ahmed Shara’s call to bring all armed groups under the umbrella of the central state structure and the national army, with the aim of ensuring the country’s unity and integrity. By siding with statehood rather than fragmentation, the Turkmen joined the central army and took on responsibility for the reconstruction of the new Syria.

However, incited by Israel, first the Shia Arabs and subsequently the Druze groups launched multiple insurrection attempts against the central government. Fortunately, the Shara government suppressed these uprisings. Meanwhile, the Kurdish forces under the control of the PYD—an offshoot of the PKK that had established an autonomous structure in the North-East—signed an integration agreement with the central government following the armed clashes.

In Syria, it was not merely a change of administration that took place; as a half-century-long regime of oppression came to an end, the doors to a new era were opened for the Turkmen, one of Syria’s indigenous peoples. Today, as a new state order is being established in Damascus, the Syrian Turkmen are also acting with an awareness of the responsibility history has placed upon them.

The Turkmen are a deeply rooted people who have maintained a presence across a vast geography stretching from Aleppo to Latakia, from Bayır-Bucak to Homs, and from Hama to Damascus for over a thousand years, leaving an indelible mark on the history, culture and state tradition of these lands.

Carrying on the legacy of the Seljuks and flying the banners of the Ottomans, the Turkmen have been an integral part of Syria’s political, economic and cultural life for centuries.

However, policies implemented over the past half-century have sought to render the Turkmen presence invisible. Turkmen villages have been neglected, Turkmen identity has been disregarded at an official level, and Turkmen children have been deprived of the opportunity to learn their mother tongue. During the years of civil war, the Turkmen have fought for their very survival.

In Bayır-Bucak, the Aleppo countryside, Çobanbey, Cerablus and many other regions where Turkmen live, hundreds have been martyred and thousands of families have been uprooted from their homes. Yet, despite all this suffering, the Turkmen have not relinquished their identity nor advocated for the partition of Syria. Even during the most difficult periods of the war, the Turkmen have stood by Syria’s territorial integrity, acting as defenders of national unity rather than ethnic or sectarian divisions.

The Injustice of the Turkmen’s Representation

The Syrian Turkmen have been one of the most important communities defending the country’s unity and integrity throughout the civil war. The Turkmen have stood by the principle of ‘one state, one flag and a shared homeland’ rather than separatist projects; they have paid a heavy price in opposing the fragmentation of Syria. However, despite all these sacrifices, it cannot be said that the Turkmen are represented to the extent they deserve in the state structure of the new Syria.

At the current juncture, the Turkmen do not hold positions in state administration commensurate with either their demographic weight or the political and military contributions they made throughout the war. Yet, according to many researchers, the Turkmen constitute Syria’s second-largest ethnic group after the Arabs.

This imbalance is clearly evident when examining the 23-member transitional government announced by Ahmed Shara in March 2025. Whilst there is not a single minister representing the Turkmen community in the cabinet, positions have been allocated to individuals belonging to Kurdish, Christian, Druze and other ethnic and religious groups. The appointment of Mohammad Abdulrahman Tarko, of Kurdish origin, as Minister of Education has served as an indicator of the Kurds’ visibility within the government.

What is even more striking, however, is that those who have faced off against the central authority by launching armed rebellions and uprisings against the new administration have managed to secure representation within the state apparatus.

Indeed, the appointment of Sipan Hemo, a Kurdish commander who had previously served within the SDG General Command, to the post of Deputy Minister of Defence, has signalled the beginning of the integration of Kurdish political and military cadres into the state bureaucracy. In contrast, it is evident that the Turkmen have not secured any significant representation at the highest levels of state administration, including ministries, governorates and strategic bureaucratic posts.

Of course, the Turkmen are not demanding any special privileges. However, given the struggle they have waged and the sacrifices they have made for the sake of Syria’s unity and integrity, as well as their significant demographic weight within the country, the Turkmen must be represented in state administration far more strongly than is currently the case; this is a requirement of both political justice and social peace.

For the new Syria to achieve lasting stability, it is essential to establish an inclusive governance framework in which the Turkmen—as one of the founding elements—occupy their rightful place and feel themselves to be the rightful owners of the state.

Therefore, the Turkmen’s demand is not for privilege; it is for representation, equality and justice. The success of the new Syria will only be possible through the realisation of this justice.

From the Turkmen perspective, the fundamental issue is that, despite their population size and historical roles, an institutional and constitutional mechanism ensuring their representation within state institutions has yet to be established. Consequently, one of the Syrian Turkmen’s most important objectives in the coming period must be the transformation of their status as a founding element into concrete rights of representation within the new constitution and state structure.

A strong state, a common flag and a national army are a shared guarantee not only for Arabs, but also for Turkmen, Kurds and all Syrians. The stance of the Turkmen in this new era is crystal clear: they stand for unity, for the state, for stability and for the territorial integrity of Syria.

The legitimate demands of the Syrian Turkmen

The Demand for Rights, Representation and Guarantees

The civil war that has raged in Syria for years has shaken not only cities but also social balances, identities and historical affiliations to their core. The Syrian Turkmen have been one of the communities paying the heaviest price during this process. Having maintained a presence across a vast geography—from Aleppo to Latakia, from Hama to Homs, and from Raqqa to the countryside around Damascus—throughout history, the Turkmen have been forced to flee during the war, subjected to demographic pressure, excluded from political representation, and often ignored.

1. Recognition of Constitutional Identity

The Turkmen are one of the founding elements of Syria. Despite this, they have been rendered officially invisible for many years. The new Syrian Constitution must explicitly recognise Turkmen identity; Arabs, Kurds, Turkmen and other elements must be accepted as the state’s constituent components. The future of a community whose identity is not recognised cannot be guaranteed.

2. Guarantee of Political Representation

Turkmens must be granted the right to representation in parliament, local government, constitutional committees, ministries and the state bureaucracy in proportion to their population. This must not be limited to a few symbolic figures; genuine and effective representation within decision-making mechanisms is essential. Communities that are not represented are eventually marginalised by the system.

3. The Right to Education in the Mother Tongue

Turkmen children must have the right to receive education in their own mother tongue. Schools providing education in Turkish must be established, teacher training programmes must be set up, and cultural assimilation must be brought to an end. Let us not forget that a society that loses its language loses its memory.

4. The Right to Safe Return and Property Rights

The safe return of Turkmen who have migrated to various countries, primarily Turkey, due to the war must be ensured. Confiscated homes, lands and properties must be returned; demographic engineering policies must be ended. We know that a nation severed from its land is severed from its future.

5. Security and Local Administration in Turkmen Regions

In Bayır-Bucak, the Aleppo countryside, Çobanbey, Azez, Cerablus, Tel Abyad and other regions with a high Turkmen population, the right to local self-governance must be recognised; Turkmen elements must play an active role in security structures. A community that has no say in its own territory is constantly left at the mercy of others.

6. Participation in the Reconstruction Process

As Syria is rebuilt, Turkmen should not merely be seen as victims; they must be regarded as founding partners. Priority support must be given to the Turkmen community in economic development, housing projects, educational investments and social reconstruction processes. Those who have experienced destruction must also be the owners of the reconstruction.

How Are These Rights Secured?

Rights are not secured merely by demanding them; they are secured through organised strength and democratic struggle.

1. Political Unity Must Be Achieved

One of the Turkmen’s greatest challenges is a fragmented structure and a lack of unified representation. Tribalism, regional rivalry and personal agendas must be set aside; a common political will must be established. The future of the Turkmen is far more valuable than the power struggles of a few individuals or the narrow interests of small groups. Tribalism and personal agendas must be set aside to forge a common political will. As strategists say, a fragmented force is an ineffective force.

2. Strong Institutionalisation Under a Single Umbrella

The Syrian Turkmen Council must be strengthened; all associations, federations and local structures must unite around common goals. Any shortcomings in this structure must be addressed by qualified personnel who have completed master’s and doctoral degrees in Turkey. Institutional weakness is the primary cause of political losses.

3. International Diplomacy Must Be Strengthened

The Turkmen issue is not merely a local matter; it is a matter of international law. Active diplomacy must be conducted with the United Nations, European institutions, the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation and regional actors. Those left out of the table will be left out of the map.

4. Strategic Cooperation with Turkey Must Be Maintained

Turkey is the historical and natural supporter of the Syrian Turkmen. However, this relationship must be conducted not merely on an emotional basis, but on an institutional, strategic and sustainable foundation. Support must be enduring; it must generate strength, not dependency.

5. Educated New Cadres Must Be Trained

The states of the future are built not only with weapons, but with knowledge, merit and strong cadres. State wisdom is established through an educated workforce.

Turkmen, Arab and Kurdish students who fled Assad’s oppression in Syria and came to our country as refugees were given the opportunity to continue their education in Turkey. A sufficient number of personnel have been trained in professions essential at every level of life, such as lawyers, engineers, soldiers, doctors, teachers, diplomats and academics.

The Syrian Turkmen Council must be further strengthened during this process, and all Turkmen institutions must act in unison around a common strategy.

Turkey’s historical responsibility

The bond between the Syrian Turkmen and Turkey is not merely a matter of foreign policy. This bond is one of history, culture, language and the heart.

Throughout the civil war, Turkey has opened its doors to millions of Syrians, provided billions of dollars in humanitarian aid, established hospitals, opened schools, delivered infrastructure services and stood by the oppressed.

The Turkmen have been one of the communities that have felt this support most keenly. However, in this new era, the expectation from Turkey is not merely humanitarian aid.

Diplomatic initiatives must be undertaken with the Damascus administration to ensure that Turkmen who have received undergraduate, postgraduate and doctoral education at universities in Turkey, and who have been trained in various fields, can assume the roles they deserve within the new Syrian state structure.

Arabs and Kurds who have studied in Turkey, who have eaten the Turk’s bread, and who harbour a love for the Turks and Turkey should also be appointed to positions within the Syrian government. The inclusion of personnel who have been educated in Turkey, speak Turkish and are capable of establishing sound relations with Turkey within the state administration will make a significant contribution to strengthening cooperation between the two countries.

Turkey must resolutely continue its international support to ensure that the constitutional rights of the Turkmen are safeguarded during the reconstruction of the new Syria. For a strong Turkmen presence is not only a guarantee of the Turkmen people’s future but also one of the most important safeguards for Syria’s unity and integrity, regional stability, and the historical, cultural and fraternal ties between Turkey and Syria.

The Significance of the Photograph Taken in Damascus

The 3rd Unity and Solidarity Conference of the Syrian Turkmen Council, held in Damascus on 4 June 2026, was no ordinary meeting; it was a declaration of the Syrian Turkmen’s powerful return to the stage of history.

This voice rising in Damascus is the voice of a thousand-year-old Turkish presence stretching from Bayır-Bucak to Aleppo, and from Homs to Latakia.

For this reason, the significance of the Syrian Turkmen Council’s 3rd Unity and Solidarity Conference extends far beyond the decisions taken. The message delivered in Damascus that day was clear:

“The Turkmen are not guests of this state, but one of its founding and constituent elements. Just as they were yesterday, they will have a say in Syria’s destiny tomorrow.”

Indeed, one of the finest examples of how the Turkmen struggle for legitimate representation can bear fruit has been witnessed in Iraq. After a gap of nearly a century, on 16 April 2026, the Turkmen politician Mehmet Seman Ağaoğlu was elected Governor of Kirkuk by the Kirkuk Provincial Council. This development marks a historic turning point, demonstrating that when the Turkmen act in unity and persist with determination in their democratic struggle, they can attain the positions they deserve.

The Turkmen will that flies high in Kirkuk today and the Turkmen voice rising in Damascus are the products of the same cause, the same historical memory and the same national consciousness.

For us, Kirkuk, Mosul, Bayır-Bucak, Aleppo, Homs, Crimea, East Turkestan, the Balkans and wherever a Turk lives in the world is an inseparable part of our spiritual geography.

Wherever a Turk lives in the world, we will continue to be their voice, to share their sorrows, to share their joys, and to stand by their just cause. For we are the children of the great Turkish nation.

May God protect and exalt the Turks.