Will the Rise of the Far Right in Europe Spell the End of the EU?

It has recently been on the agenda that the votes of far-right parties are on the rise across Europe. Indeed, following the successful results achieved by the far-right in France and Sweden, Meloni, the representative of the far-right in Italy, has triumphed.

Marine Le Pen, leader of France's far-right National Rally Party, said: "All over Europe, people want to take their destiny back into their own hands!"

In fact, no one is claiming that a new wave of right-wing radicalism is sweeping Europe. The votes of far-right parties in Europe did not climb after Russia began its invasion of Ukraine on February 24. According to Europe-wide assessments, voter turnout for right-wing parties did not increase by even one percentage point on average during this period. On the other hand, if there has been an increase in support for far-right parties, it happened a few years ago.

The footsteps of the far right were heard in the European Parliament (EP) elections in 2014. On May 6, 2014, in the EP elections, far-right parties achieved an expected yet unacceptable result. This is because while liberal democratic values and the institutions that represent them have developed and deepened in most Western European countries, in Europe built on these values, far-right populist discourses have even reached the Scandinavian countries, which are considered to be the homeland of social democracy.

Right-wing votes are on the rise in Sweden. The Sweden Democrats increased their votes to 10 percent in the 2014 elections across the country. Maintaining its upward trend over time, this party managed to increase its votes to twenty percent in this year's elections.

In Germany, the far-right Alternative for Germany party increased its votes to 12.6 percent in the 2017 German federal elections and won 94 seats in the federal parliament.

By moving from the margins of politics into the mainstream, the far right has not only influenced the political center, but has also entered the arena of power. The right is divided between traditional pro-European parties and anti-European nationalist parties. Many right-wing parties started to use populist policies, anti-immigrant, anti-minority and xenophobic rhetoric to attract voters.

Over time, the policies of European far-right parties became seen as "normal". As such extreme parties were seen as an integral part of the political spectrum, it became easier for them to be accepted by voters and traditional parties. Collaboration between center-right parties and the far-right was not denied by society. This paved the way for all parties on the right to enter into alliances with each other. Thus, the fact that the right was seen as a united entity made it possible for parties from other parts of the political spectrum to approve the inclusion of extreme right-wing parties as an integral part of the political system.

Giorgia Meloni's party, which is seen as the trigger of the far right in Italy, attracted attention due to its origins in groups founded by former fascists, but in the last elections, the Italian Brotherhood party won 26% of the votes and won the right to lead the EU's third largest economy and form the government under Meloni's leadership.

In Sweden, the center-right party has started coalition talks for a minority government that will most likely have to rely on the support of the far-right Sweden Democrats. Far-right parties have also entered government in Austria, Finland, Estonia and Italy. Other countries are likely to follow.

In Romania, George Simion, leader of the far-right Alliance for the Unity of Romanians (AUR) party, celebrated Meloni's victory in Italy and said his party would follow in their footsteps.

Spain goes to the polls next year and there is talk that socialist Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez may find it difficult to win re-election. The conservative People's Party is five to seven points ahead of the Spanish socialists in all published polls, but it is currently unlikely to get enough votes to secure a single ruling majority. This means that its leader Santiago Abascal may have to reach an agreement with Vox, the far-right party with which Meloni is allied. While the People's Party has previously refused to form a government with Vox, its newly elected leader, Alberto Núnez-Feijóo, said last spring that he might give the green light to a coalition deal with the ultranationalist group.

The change on the right in Europe, especially on the extreme fringe, certainly did not happen overnight. Extremists on the right have made a special effort to shed their neo-Nazi image. For example, some news reports about the Sweden Democrats, for example, said that they would deport people on trains as soon as they came to power. The far right has tried to improve its image and to be careful about certain issues. In Italy, Meloni has managed to rescue the party from the shadow of more radical elements by sticking to the slogan 'God, homeland, family', thus finding a way to win broad approval from the electorate.

Vlaams Belang (Flemish Interest), a right-wing party in the northern Belgian region of Flanders labeled as far-right, explicitly denies that it is extremist. Like similar party leaders in Italy, Sweden and France, the party's president Van Grieken said the founders had distanced themselves from their extremist stance.

In Europe, it seems that overtly racist rhetoric has actually become a taboo. Instead, the rhetoric used by far-right parties has shifted to criticizing the open-door migration policy. By carefully appealing to voters in the center, the far right has sought a bigger slice of the pie, while continuing to exploit anti-establishment discontent.

European right-wing parties criticize the negative effects of globalization in order to grow their own constituencies, and it is seen as an indispensable policy to distance nationalists from globalization, to sanctify nationalism at the expense of breaking the fault line between them.

Europe is struggling with record inflation. Russia's war policies and the global impact of sanctions against Russia are driving up the exorbitant heating bills that are hitting the pockets of ordinary people in EU countries. A pessimistic mood has spread across Europe. Governments that cannot find a solution to this situation are reeling.

The Euro, which has experienced a historic decline against the dollar, harbors the dangers of causing very deep and far-reaching consequences. The problems of Europe, whose foundations have been shaken and exhausted by the crises, are being compounded by rising nationalism, regionalism, unemployment and immigration.

Ultimately, successive crises such as the current war in Ukraine, global financial problems, migration and the pandemic make the growing support for the far right meaningful. Such existential crises destabilize and cause fear in people. Traditionally, the fear factor has been characterized as a breeding ground for the far right. People can easily turn this fear and anger into radical voting behavior. In this environment, the far right can stand out by offering nationalist, protectionist solutions to globalized crises.

Today, both nationalism and regionalism are clearly on the rise in the European Union. This trend has been notable in the UK, France, Spain and Italy. At present, France continues to maintain its cooperation with Germany, and even if the far right comes to power, the preservation of the EU's essence is still seen as being coordinated with France's future prospects. In fact, this union constitutes the necessary core of the EU. To the extent that the Franco-German relationship strengthens, Europe will be able to stay together. If the necessary steps are not taken to preserve European unity against the rise of nationalism or regionalism in countries such as Spain and Italy, the EU's unity may eventually break down, and the EU may even come to an end.