What is happiness according to Farabi?

As an individual, it is the expectation of every human being to live in a happy and peaceful environment. For this, first of all, it is necessary to think about the way to live a just and virtuous life individually and socially, and put it into practice. This can be achieved by subjecting our scholars, who ensure the cultural continuity of Atayurt/Turkistan and Motherland/Turkey, and the works that they reveal, to new readings. The tradition of "Ahmed Yesevi and the Khorasan Alperen", which conveys the (official) conception of Islam, which is formed by the Hanafi fiqh and Maturidi creed that develops out of the Arab-Persian power struggles and the Shiite-Salafi teachings, which are their theological foundations, is read as "Folk/folk Islam". We are trying to make the philosophical language of these readings with "Muallimi-Sani" Ebu Nasr al-Fârâbî (874/950-260/339).

Our aim is to study Farabi's philosophy Tahsilu's-Saade; that is, to examine Yusuf Has Hacib's conception of "Knowledge of Happiness" based on his definition as "providing information that will achieve happiness". Since this work is a work that was written as a result of the Turks becoming Muslims, it is extremely important in terms of understanding our socio-political and cultural foundations, so it is necessary to examine Kutadgu Bilig, that is, the "knowledge of being blessed" in the context of collection's-saade. Because religion, happiness, prosperity in the world; It consists of providing the knowledge of the basic principles (knowledge of Oneness of Knowledge/Hakk) about achieving success/salvation in the hereafter, and then putting them into practice in a sincere and sincere way (the knowledge of Amel-i Tawhid/Hayr). The first of these is to be useful/consistent/correct, while determining the triangulation point of our existence; the second requires that this knowledge be put into practice, not to appear different from what we are. This is directly political philosophy. It must be for this reason that with Kutadgu Bilig, that is, blessed knowledge, people can be peaceful and happy in both worlds.

It will be analyzed comparatively with Fârâbî's Virtuous Government understanding, with the foundation of the ideal state design in the face of socio-political ruptures and misapplications in Yusuf Has Hacib's period. The effect of emphasizing the possibility of a just government in the world and the fact that people experience the peace and happiness as stated by ed-Din while living and attaining the knowledge of the Supreme Good in the Hereafter, that is, "Saadetu'l-Kusva", will be stated. Thus, it will contribute to the ethical-political attitude of a new Turkish-Islamic civilization concept based on Fârâbî and Yusuf Balagasun.

The purpose of philosophical knowledge is to enable people to achieve happiness. It is assumed that people will be happy in the world when they reach the knowledge of the good, the right and the beautiful. The highest stage of this happiness in Plato is to reach the knowledge of the Supreme Good. Our philosophers, who care about the thoughts of Plato and Aristotle and create the peripatetic tradition in Islamic philosophy, also define philosophy as attaining happiness (tahsilu's-saade). The highest equivalent of this knowledge to be obtained in the world in the next world is bliss. In this sense, the aim of philosophy and religion is the same. The basic principles (ed-Din) that will ensure prosperity and happiness in the world and success in the hereafter are put into practice through the prophets. They show how the good, the beautiful and the right should be done, so that absolute salvation and the highest happiness will be ensured in the Hereafter. When there are breaks in these practices (sharia), the same basic principles are sent with a new language and a new form/shariah with a new prophet (nabi/rasul). The last prophet is Hz. Since Muhammad (pbuh), it is now up to scholars to put these basic principles into practice. [one]

In this context, we want to emphasize the influence of Turks on the Islamic world and civilization by examining two important Turkish scholars, namely Fârâbî and Yusuf Has Hacib, comparatively. As a matter of fact, the first stage of the Turks' influence on Islamic culture and civilization, in the 8-10 centuries, Turkistan showed a power that could compete with the countries of Iraq, Iran, Egypt and Andalusia, with the great scholars they raised.[2] Because Fârâbî establishes a system philosophy after the theoretical grounding that starts with his work, The Count of Sciences. The system he put forward as a systematic and synthesizing philosopher is a starting point for all fundamental issues in the Islamic world.[3]

As a thinker and philosopher, Yusuf, on the other hand, deals directly with the problems experienced without seeking such a system and without theoretical foundations, and presents solution proposals in a language that the public can understand. Starting from the cultural structure of the period, he opens up to philosophy and activates the legacy of philosophers in order to consolidate and deepen the current mentality and worldview. As an intellectual, Yusuf's rationality is well seen in his strategy of reinforcing values  that fit his worldview. Philosophy is a means of systematizing knowledge of Turkishness and Turkish worldview in Yusuf Has Hacib. In this sense, “Kutadgu Bilig is a philosophical text. Reviving the accumulation up to that period, carrying the past to the period, connecting with the past Yusuf, who puts the foundation into a natural formation, is also a philosopher.” [4]

In our opinion, according to the peripatetic tradition founded by Fârâbî, the founding scholar of Islamic Philosophy, since there will be no more prophets, the scholars/philosophers who are his heirs can establish a connection with the metaphysical universe with the active mind, which performs the same function as Gabriel. The Active Mind, which is called Ruhu'l-Amin and Ruhu'l-Kuds, will be attained in the Hereafter, which is the highest level of prosperity/happiness in the human world and the highest level of maturity to be attained (Saadetu'l-Kusva). As a matter of fact, the duty of the Muslim philosopher is to show the way and method of achieving success.

In this sense, what the prophets told and the philosophers told in the system they established consist of different expressions of the same truth. “So philosophy is, in a way, theoretical religion; religion, on the other hand, is a philosophy expressed symbolically or figuratively. Both are based on making people happy. [5] In our opinion, while philosophers reach this knowledge gradually, according to the hadith of Jibril, every believer who individually realizes the harmony between theory/faith-practice/Islam will be able to reach the level of ihsan (the highest happiness). Every scholar who is active with his knowledge is a candidate to become a devotee and an ascetic, and the next step is to gain the qualification of arif. These are the individual and institutional (medinetu'l-fazila) stages and qualities of attaining prosperity and happiness in the world, and falah and happiness in the hereafter. [6]

In this sense, Yusuf of Balasagun (Has Hâcib's metaphor, that is, using a symbolic language, presenting the problems in a question and answer style and showing individual and institutional stages by Kutadgu Bilig's "Knowledge That Brings Happiness" or "Knowledge of Being a State"' is one of the first texts. It is very important in terms of Turkish Intellectual History.The work was dedicated to Tavgaç Buğra Kara Hakan Abu Ali Hasan, the great khan of the Eastern Karakhanids, by writing in Kashgar in 1069/70 [7] Abu Nasr Muhammad b. Muhammad b. Tarhan b. El- Farabi (d.256/870)[8] and Turkish writer Yusuf Has Hâcib (d.1019) are the most important issues of how to achieve happiness individually and institutionally/state.Both discuss how to change conditions and approach the ideal without denying the existing. [9] Because Turks' becoming Muslims cannot be understood without examining the conditions of different geographies and cultures in different time periods. e region expresses a stage in which people widen and deepen their worldview by adapting to new conditions.” Therefore, careful analysis of breaks and intertwining is required and there is always an innovation, a search for the ideal and keeping it alive by centered on the basic principles. In this sense, "Yusuf Has Hâcib is the person who, with his work Kutadgu Bilig, reconstructs the route the Turks came and the direction they went." It is essential for them to use Divan-ü Lügati't-Türk seriously and to make comparative readings for Turkish Cultural History and social life. [11th]

The purpose here is the search for the ideal human being. This ideal person is the person who can ensure the happiness of the world and the hereafter; He is good-natured, has faith in Allah, has taqwa and knowledge. He is fair, truthful, modest, generous, compassionate and conscientious. Moreover, these qualities do not exist in an isolated life, that is, he is the one who can do them when he is with other people. From this point of view, the work is related to both sociological and political science. For this reason, the work, which means "Knowledge of Being Happy", has also gained the quality of "a policy book". In this sense, it can be said to be the first example of recommendations written in Islamic style in terms of administrative principles.[12] As a matter of fact, in contrast to Fârâbî's philosophical language that followed the Aristotle and peripatetic tradition as a teacher, Yusuf Has Hâcib wrote his work, which is the first example of the political style in Turkish literature, in Karahanlı Turkish in a mesnevi style and aruz prosody, in a symbolic language. The information necessary for the administration is given to the monarch. Useful information is given on why the state is devastated or surviving, how the dominance will continue or be lost.[13]

At this point, the main figures are morality/law and justice in the context of Han Küntoğdu, the concepts of sanctity/happiness in the context of Vizier Aytoğdu, reason/knowledge, wisdom in the context of the Vizier's son Öğdülü, and the concepts of heart/heart of thought and fate in the context of the vizier's dervish relative/brother Odgurmuş.[14] Kut means spiritual state, spirituality, courage, enthusiasm, auspiciousness, luck and happiness in ancient Turkish, as well as the authority to rule the state with the power of political domination. In this sense, "every word of Küntoğdı Ay Toldı and Ögdülüs is a philosophical maxim and every idea is a moral maxim. The structure formed by this figure and conceptualization, which is the product of the mentality that Yusuf rationalistically formed based on ancient Turkish traditions and Turkish poets, is within the framework of God, Universe, Reason and Bliss in Fârâbî. e can also be read. So much so that the features that Yusuf should have in the head of state / inn coincide with the features that a head of state / chief should have in Fârâbî's Medinetü'l-Fazıla. Kün Toğdı is a wise/philosopher khan. The moon is the deputy of the wise king. At this point, the two are representatives of theoretical and practical reason. Öğduldu is the current version of Maturidi. [15]

The symbolic language of Sufi and in this sense, Yusuf Has Hacib can be seen as a scholar who changed the trajectory of Turkish Sufi thought and gave direction.[16] In this sense, he is a scholar, a devotee and a wise person. Based on Maturidi's Kitabu't-Tawhid, he dealt with the issues of creed in a political context and considered theology as a disciplinary element. However, he is a Sufi as a devotee and scholar who is aware of the social dimension of Sufism. In addition, the language he used was around the basic concepts of the previous traditions in the context of divine prophecies of the region, so that the new teaching was easy to understand and accept. For example, the function of the kam/shaman in the understanding of the Old Turkish religion and the ihsan mode of the arif; There are similarities between (the level that the philosopher will reach with the active mind). Because the prophet is described by the Turkish people of that time as the prosecutor and the Yalvaç.[17]

Seeing the qualities of the epic heroes of the pre-Islamic era in the Prophet accelerated the people's love and adoption of him. Ağ Sakallu Dede Korkut, Er-Manas, Oğuz Kaan and Sarı Saltuk were known as people with the qualities of our Prophet. Scholars and scholars, who are the heirs of the prophets, have taken it instead of shaman/kam, and miracles are now circulating from mouth to mouth. Yesevi, by saying "Shinkar" about our prophet, likens him to the Doğan bird, which is a symbol of dignity, authority and possession of everything in Turkish culture. [18] As a matter of fact, in the pre-Islamic period, these people, called Tab Tangr, were believed to be talking to God. As a matter of fact, Turkish ancestors and fathers initially resembled both shamans and saints. With the dhikr of cehri, the ecstatic movements of the old kam/shamans became Islamized.[19] The Turks' own Alps/heroes were gaining sanctity in the form of Alp-eren, and Islam was united with the veterans of the Turks.[20] As a matter of fact, the words ermek, ermiş and eren still retain these religious meanings. For this reason, the Turks could not adopt the Buddha, Mani, Zoroastrian, Jewish and Christian religions, which did not suit their lifestyles, thoughts and beliefs, and they quickly made Islam a national religion after the 10th century. [21]

In this respect, Yesevi embodied Turkish Metaphysics under the name of Sufism. Philosopher is actually the mind of a person who has reached the level of benevolence. Yesevi, who transforms the abstract and airy metaphysics into folk metaphysics with Fârâbî's Tahsilu's-Saade and Fusul el-Medeni, makes this a lifestyle. Actually, according to Şeker, this only shows its philosophical dimension, it is the summary of Kutadgu Bilig of Yusuf Has Hacib, in which Maturidi and Kitabu't-Tawhid and philosophy-theology-sufism are together in terms of theology. [22] After all, Kutadgu Bilig and Divan-ı Hikmet “belong to the same language circle, that is, an eastern dialect belonging to the Karluks.”[23] In this sense, “the Sufis are one of the pioneering elements that prepared the Turkestan geography for the interpretation of the book of Islam.”[24] According to Ibn Khaldun, the real group who have the qualifications of scholars are the Sufis. Sufis, who live as individuals with the apparent knowledge of fiqh and theologians, are scholars who are the heirs of the prophets.[25]

However, the difference between Meametlik, whose borders are drawn with an Islamic framework, and the Meameti attitude, which pushes these boundaries, should be investigated separately. In this sense, the understanding of Sufism of Ahmed Yesevi[26] and Yusuf Has Hacib should be investigated in detail. Because there is always the risk of forming “parallel Islam within Islam” over time by Sufi structures that force the Islamic (tafsir and interpretation) framework and go to esoteric/extreme interpretations. These structures, which are identified with heresy by the central authority, have always been involved in political-religious uprisings/resurrections. [27]

For this reason, the Sunni policy of the Seljuks seems to be a precaution against the new representatives of Mezdekism, which aimed to rule by stifling all kinds of freedom of thought, destroying those who do not belong to them, and giving birth to movements that once destroyed the Sassanid empire. Because the Fatimids have always supported the Qarmatians, Batini and Ismaili movements based on the ideas of Mazdak and Babek in order to maintain their political dominance.[28] Not only did they provide religious moderation, they also built madrasas, hankah/zawiyah and ribats/caravanserais, hospitals, bridges and many charitable institutions, respected scholars and ascetics, and treated the people fairly. At the same time, they did not allow to be against other divine religions. As a matter of fact, Melikşah and Nizamülmük reacted very strongly to an anti-Semitism in Baghdad.[29] The importance of the moderate lines of Yesevi and Yusuf gains importance at this point and they suggest a suitable and applicable method for their management style. Especially Yusuf Has Hacib, inherited gives us the general outlines of the period of Islam. [30]

As it can be seen, Yusuf also had a Sufi and philosopher dimension as well as the theologian dimension trained in the Hanafi-Maturidi culture.[31] Yusuf is also a philosopher, but he does not try to establish a system as in the Peripatetic tradition. He preferred to present his philosophical views with a kind of Socratic method, using the question-answer method concisely, to the understanding of both the administrators and the public, without entering into purely abstract discussions. In fact, with this text, Yusuf reveals his worldview with the data of philosophy, kalam and mysticism. Moreover, it focuses on the concepts of state and politics, which are necessary for this to happen in the world. It advocates cooperation between the pen/theoretical knowledge and the practical/political for the necessity of dominance.[32] It states what it takes for the rulers to act justly, and that there is a set of values ​​that goes beyond them. He emphasizes that happiness and attainment of perfection are not possible in seclusion, but by being with God in public. [33]

Şeker discusses in detail Fuat Köprülü's thesis that Yusuf was influenced by Ibn Sina and was indirectly his student, and quotes the following determinations based on Zeki Velidi Toğan and Reşid Rahmeti Arat: -The characteristics of the ruler in Medinetü'l-Fazıla coincide with the characteristics of the Khan in Yusuf's work. They agree on the realization of justice, the abolition of oppression, and the administration of rational sciences. [34] The point to be noted here is that the question of what will be the political position of different Muslim power structures in different times and places against the caliph, who sees himself as the deputy of the Prophet and provides the basis for this with Arab/Qurayshism [35], is also important. In this respect, Halil İnalcık's statement "It is natural for the sultans to turn their attention to the old Iranian political theories in order to strengthen their authority in the face of the caliphate's claim to universal dominance and to benefit from it" can be considered as an answer to this question.[36] As a matter of fact, there is a divinity/heavenly dimension here, as Hakan is seen as the representative of the Sky God on earth in the old Turkish traditions.[37] In this context, there are many sources that express how the ruler was in the Turkish state tradition and how his relations with his subjects should be. Starting from mythological/legendary and epic sources, the first written source that has a very important place in Turkish history, with the event that God Ilgen assigned Oghuz Khan, the mentions in the Orhun Monuments, in later periods, books such as Kutadgu Bilig, Siyakatname, and in works such as Ibn Bibi Seljukname, the understanding of management that is desired to be seen in the ruler has been given. . [38]

As it can be seen, the Turks both give their own peculiarities to Islam and dissolve their national identity in this religion. In this sense, they have made it both public and national. [39] This is probably why Osman Turan says, “Turks becoming Muslims is of great importance as it is considered one of the greatest events in world history”. As seen in the Orkhon monuments, a mentality that sees themselves as gentlemen who have been given the authority to represent God's will on earth, after accepting Islam, identified Turks and Muslims, and described the Turkish/men armies as Jundullah. They made jihad against the non-Muslim Turks (Shamanic oguz). [40]

Based on the propositions that divine prophecies carry the same message in the sense of ed-Din and that no tribe will be held responsible for sending warnings [41], it cannot be more natural than the Turkish tradition's reluctance to come under Arab domination.[42] As a matter of fact, in 1055 Tuğrul Bey went on a Baghdad expedition to protect the caliph from the hands of the Shiite Buveyhis and the evil of the Rafizis, and from this date on, there has been a distinction between the political ruler and the religious authority. The caliph crowned himself and called him the Sultan of the World, and he called himself Ruknüddin, that is, the foundation of religion. Thus, the Turks took the Islamic caliphate under their patronage together with the Abbasids, and the Turkish-Islamic Reign of 9 centuries began. Although seemingly separate in form (because the caliph's office was respected), the de facto sultanate and caliphate were in the hands of the Seljuks. An allocation (ikta'a) was made for the expenses of the caliph and the palace. [43] Therefore, it can be said that this text is a local and national product of all the thoughts of the region with the influence of old Turkish traditions and accumulation, Iran and India. But in the final analysis, Kutadgu Bilig is a mature product of Islamic culture, and political thought, which is the implementation of theoretical (scientific), practical (abid/arif) harmony, is entirely based on the known principles of the Islamic world. [44]

As can be seen, examining this scholar and his work is an attempt to analyze the formation of the thought of that period with all its dimensions. In this sense, "Kutadgu Bilig is neither a history that narrates events, nor a geography that defines regions and cities, nor a collection that collects the views of religious scholars, nor a philosophy based on the ideas of thinkers, nor the essence of things. ü is a book of advice that collects his words.”[45] Because “Kutadgu Bilig, its shape and arrangement is so perfect from the point of harmony in his ideas that it cannot be imagined that it suddenly appeared. Although we do not have other texts before him, we strongly guess that he followed many semi-works and works (essai) of this kind and perfected them.”[46] As a matter of fact, four symbolic figures and The fact that he gave his ideas on four concepts (mortality, sacred, mind and heart) is an indicator of this inclusiveness. [47]

These ideas, which collect the basic idea and line of the history of Turkish thought, are as follows: The ruler Kün/gündogdu is the symbol of truth, law and justice, that is, "custom". This has both a divine and a human dimension, and the knowledge of kut (fortune/luck/happiness) necessary for his political dominance is explained in a way that will appeal to different groups. The conventions are extremely important in the determination of Töre. [48] ​​When these are put into practice, prosperity and happiness are achieved. Vizier Ay Toldı is the symbol of "kut", that is, that reaching these goals will be with reason and greatness. It is the praised/praised symbol of "wisdom and wisdom" and is the vizier's relative, brother. What the result of these is or will be, avoiding the negative aspects of worldly life, being content, preparing for the life in the hereafter and happiness is given in the person of the vizier's brother, zahid, abid and fakih Odgurmış. The conceptual expression of this is "heart". These two are the balance of the world and the hereafter. In this context, the state, justice; justice is based on a heart with reason, wisdom and conviction. [49]

After the Prose Mukaddime (1-38) and the Manzûm Mukaddime (1-77), the Kutadgu Bilig, which is said "for the reader to be blessed and guide" begins. According to the information here, the person who organizes his life holds both worlds and wins. (couple: 350) Tavgaç Ulug Bugra (Hakan) Ebu Ali Hasan bin Süleyman Arslan The work dedicated to Kara Han consists of 6645 couplets, 85 chapters and was written in 1069-1070. Hakan appreciated the poet's pen power, complimented him and took him with him, giving him the title of "has hacib". He is now called Yusup Has Hacib everywhere. [50]

Now, in order to determine the individual and public dimensions of the knowledge of qut/happiness, it is necessary to give Fârâbî's understanding of education, happiness and prophecy. This is because how the knowledge of the sacred was put into practice by our prophet and his heirs, the wise-administrative scholars and philosophers, can only be understood in this way.

Knowledge of Happiness and Virtuous Management According to Al-Fârâbî

Management Styles and Their Place in Obtaining Happiness According to Al-Farabi

Knowledge of Happiness and Virtuous Management according to Yusuf Has Hacib

Kündoğdu Figure: The Judge and the Symbol of Justice; Ruler

Aytoldi Figure: Symbol of Happiness and Happiness: Vizier

Honored figure: Scholar/Sign of Wisdom and Intelligence; son of the vizier

Odgurmuş figure: Symbol of Soul/Heart, afterlife and questioning; Zahid/Dervish, Vizier's Brother

Fârâbî is a Turkish thinker who was born in the butcher of Farab in the Çayardı (Transoxiana) region and is the first political philosopher of Islamic thought. He is a scholar who knows the Greek tradition, Islamic thought and Turkish customs and established a philosophical system that blends the relationship between politics and morality with the data of these three ideas. In this context, it is important to examine politics as a branch of science under philosophy under the title of "Civil Science" in his work called "The Count of Sciences", which is a classic of thought and an introductory book to philosophy. This is natural, because Islamic philosophers, especially Al-Farabi, take man as a social and political entity (zoon politicalon), as in the peripatetic tradition.[51]

Civilized science includes the types of actions (ef'al) and actions (sunan), the skills, morals, characteristics and habits that cause these actions and actions to occur, and that they are made for them, how they should exist in humans, and they must exist in humans. researches and examines how the direction in their arrangement is. It distinguishes between the purposes for which things are done and the purposes for which movements are used. He reveals that it is goodness, beauty and virtues that bring what is actually happiness to man, that there are evils, ugliness and deficiencies in other things, and that the reason for the existence of these in human beings is the distribution of virtuous deeds and actions between cities and peoples according to an order and their common use.

They examine the stages of issues necessary for individual, family and social harmony. The aim of religious-moral principles is to ensure the harmony of the individual, family and society. It aims to provide people with a peaceful, happy, prosperous (materially and spiritually-socially) environment. This is the virtuous society. This is achieved by the division of labor and helping each other. A person who can achieve happiness in Medinetu'l-Fazila will reach Saadetu'l-Kusva in the hereafter. For this reason, it is primarily happiness in this world and absolute bliss in the hereafter by reaching the knowledge of the Supreme Good.

Since it aims at the moon, the conception of civilization has been formed on the basis of an ethical-political attitude. This is achieved through a purely mental process. That's probably why Yusuf says happiness suits the wisest. Because keeping the essence, word and heart true is only possible with the mind.[52]

Fârâbî points out the necessary relationship between morality and politics by dividing philosophy, that is, wisdom, into two as theoretical and practical. According to him, practice, that is, practical philosophy, is divided into moral (sanaatu'l hulkiyye) and political philosophy. The first goal of political science is to search for true happiness. This takes place in the main framework of philosophy to achieve happiness (Tahsilu's-saada). In this sense, the importance of weeding out the actions that do not lead to real happiness emerges. This issue is put into practice in cities through the profession of “President”. In short, there are two major tasks of political science; The first is to separate real happiness from false happiness. The second is to ensure that the actions and behaviors that lead to real happiness settle in the country and continue undisturbed. Therefore, he avoids oppression that will devastate the country, and does not act negligently.

The science of politics/civilization is concerned with establishing the faculties and actions of the division of labor in the city or cities, to be implemented jointly in the ummah or ummahs, and how to ensure the administration that tries to preserve them from extinction. This is also expressed as a profession. According to Fârâbî, this profession is the profession of "sultan", and politics is the work of this profession. This profession aims at realizing virtuous government, that is, the government that establishes and preserves the faculties and traditions that lead people to the highest happiness. According to Fârâbî, the person who will establish the virtuous city, improve individual and social life at this point, and cure his diseases is a statesman. This is an important detail and forms the basis of the philosopher's moral and political philosophy.[53]

The subject of political science is the study of actions, behaviors, morals, habits and voluntary faculties. It has also been accepted that all these cannot be found in a single person, and that these can only be shared in a community. People need various needs in order to carry out their social activities successfully. For this reason, it is seen that there is cooperation in the daily work that everyone does certain things in the best way. Therefore, people need to live together and help each other. If people do this cooperation properly, it will be easier for them to achieve happiness. In Fârâbî's thought, the attainment of happiness is important both in the world and in the life after the world. For this reason, the science of politics deals with how to realize a moral and just social structure among people.[54]

Political science counts the immoral ruling classes that will enable us to reach the moral one and how many of them are. In relation to this, he also tells us the reasons why virtuous governments and behaviors in virtuous cities turn into non-virtuous behaviors and faculties.[55]

Fârâbî states that within these research subjects, the science of politics will rise until it reaches Allah, how the revelation descends from Allah to the first president, how the first president governs cities with the revelation and how this administration ensures order from the first president to the last parts of the city. As Allah is the ruler of the realm, he is also the ruler of the virtuous city.[56] The Prophet and his deputies and followers are responsible for implementing the principles that will ensure prosperity in this world and prosperity in the hereafter. If this happens, it is called virtuous management.

The virtuous city is the city in which the ruler provides the people with the highest virtues that could not be attained by his own efforts. Those who are governed acquire virtues that cannot be obtained with anyone else, in their worldly lives and in the hereafter, and they help each other willingly and lovingly, like a member of a body.[57]

Fârâbî states that the virtuous city consists of five types of people. The virtuous of these are philosophers (hukama), those who have wisdom in practice and those who have views. After that, religious representatives and translators, that is, orators, literati, poets, musicians, scribes come. After this group, there are those who deal with measurement works, namely accountants, engineers, doctors, astrologers. After these, the mujahideen, that is, the army and the guards, who ensure the security of the city, come. The last group is the wealthy, who in turn consist of people who bring wealth such as farmers, shepherds, merchants. The virtuous city was founded on justice. Justice is first of all in the distribution of the good things that the people of the city have in common among all of them, and then in the preservation of these things that are divided among them.[58]

Just as the dominant limb of our body is the most perfect of all other limbs, the person who assumes the presidency of the city has the highest ability among others. . According to Fârâbî, the First Presidency is the expression of the knowledge of the ruler as revelation.[59] After the Prophet, the philosopher takes the Prophet, who is the First President with active mind, as a role model. The theoretical mind and the practical mind are united in this person. He determines the actions and views valid in virtuous religion only according to revelation. According to Fârâbî, this is of two types. According to the first, he receives these views and actions directly as revelation, or he determines the right actions himself through the revelation and the power he obtains from the supreme being.[60]

If such a president is not found, he continues the tradition of the first president of that city and his successors. Although the rulers of the virtuous city come at different times, they are considered as one ruler. These may be in different periods in time, but they are all like a single soul. The first president and the administration, which is subordinate to his administration, follow the footsteps of the first administration in its actions. According to Fârâbî, who makes a classification in this context, the first one is called the "real sultan". This person has theoretical and practical wisdom, the ability to persuade others, an imaginary perfection of influence, the power to participate in jihad himself; there is no obstacle in his body that prevents jihad.[61]

If these conditions are not found in one person, but in the individuals who make up a community, then this community together takes the place of the real sultan. One of them is the goal, the second is what leads to that goal, the third is the power to persuade others and leave an illusory effect, and the other has the power to jihad. In this case, they take the place of the real sultan and are called the best chiefs, virtuous people. Their form of government is also referred to as the Management of the Virtuous. After that comes the Presidency Based on Law. In the absence of a group of virtuous rulers, the chief of the city can rule it if he has certain qualifications.[62] At this point, the answer to the question of what is the opposite of virtuous management, which is defined as the environment where happiness is experienced as a result of right (just, good and beautiful) actions, should be sought. Cities contrary to the virtuous state are expressed as four types: ignorant city, sinful city, aberrant city and a changed city.[63]

[1] Mevlüt Uyanık, İslam İnanç İlkeleri, Ankara.1997, s.9-10, Mahmut Şeltut ve Hamdi Yazır’ın konuyla ilgili görüşleri için bkz. Aynı eser, s.20-24; a.mlf, “Barışçıl Bir Dünya İçin İlahi Dinler ve Çoğulcu Evrensellik Tasarımları” Uluslararası Dini Araştırmalar ve Küresel Barış Sempozyumu Bosna Hersek Saraybosna. 19-21 Mayıs 2016; Aygün Akyol, Kutadgu Bilig’de Ahlak ve Siyaset, Araştırma yay. Ankara.2015, s.37-46, 66

[2] “Hatta Türkistan, dini ilimlerde, hukuk, riyaziye, fizik, heyet/astronomi, çoğrafya ve felsefe de telik ve keşifleriyle bazen diğer ülkelerdeki âlimlerden üstün temsilciler bile çıkartmıştır. “Osman Turan, “Türkler ve İslamiyet”, Selçuklular ve İslamiyet içinde, Turan yay. İstanbul.1971, s.1

[3] David C. Reisman, “Farabi ve Felsefe Müfredatı “İslam Felsefesine Giriş, ed. Peter Adamson, Richard C. Taylor, çev. M. Cüneyd Kaya, Küre yay. İstanbul.2008, s.59

[4] Yusuf Has Hâcib, Kutadgu Bilig, çev. Reşid Rahmeti Arat, Kabalcı yay. İstanbul. 208, Önsöz, s. 7, 10, 13, 25-27, Fatih Şeker, Türk Dini Düşüncesinin Teşekkül Devri, Dergâh yay. İstanbul.2016, s. 262-263, 266; Kutadgu Bilig‟de de “erk” ile birlikte geçtiğinde Türk, “güç, kuvvet” anlamındadır. Gôktürk yazıtlarında “Türk yiğit Beyler, buyruklar, tigitler” geçtiği gibi, Uygurca metinlerde de “Türk çerig” biçiminde de görülüyor. Tuncer Baykara, “Türklüğün En Eski Zamanları”, Türkler Ansiklopedisi, Yeni Türkiye Yayınları, Ankara.2002, cilt.1, s.175

[5] Alpaslan, Açıkgenç, Bilgi Felsefesi, İnsan yay. İstanbul.1992, s. 69; a.mlf, İslam Medeniyetinde Bilgi ve Bilim, İsam yay. İstanbul.2006, s.81

[6] Mevlüt Uyanık, “Bir Sistem Felsefesi Oluşturma Sürecinde “Faal Akıl”ın İşlevselliği ve Önemi” Functionality and Significance of Actvie Intellect in the Process of Making a Philisophic System " The Second Dituria International Conference with the theme Contemporary Trends in Philosphical System. (10-12 July 2016) Skopje, Macedonia, Reşad Genç, Karahanlılar Tarihi, Türkler Ansiklopedisi, Yeni Türkiye Yayınları, Ankara.2002, c.4, s.456; Kutadgu Bilig’in bilinen üç yazma nüshası vardır. Bunlar şunlardır:

1. Viyana nüshası: Uygur harfleriyle 1439’da Herat’ta yazılan bu nüsha TDK tarafından tıpkı basım olarak yayımlanmıştır (Kutadgu Bilig Tıpkıbasım l. Viyana Nüshası, İstanbul 1942
2. Kahire nüshası: İstinsah tarihi bilinmeyen bu nüsha Kahire’de bulunmuş olup Arap harfleriyle yazılmıştır. TDK (Kutadgu Bilig Tıpkı­basım III, Mısır Nüshası, İstanbul 1943) ve Kültür Bakanlığı (Kutadgu Bilig, Yusuf Has Hacib, Ankara 1993) tarafından tıpkıbasım olarak yayımlanmıştır.
3. Fergana Nüshası: 1914 yılında Fergana’da Zeki Velidi Togan tarafından bulunan nüsha, Arap harfleriyle yazılmış olup başından birkaç yaprak eksiktir. Hacim itiba­riyle Kahire nüshasından daha hacimli olan bu nüsha da TDK tarafından tıpkı­basım olarak yayımlanmıştır (Kutadgu Bilig Tıpkıbasım II, Fergana Nüshası, İstan­bul 1942).

Eserin bu üç nüshası karşılaştırılarak tenkitli metni (Kutadgu Bilig I, Tıpkıçekimle Yapılmış 2. baskı, Ankara 1979) ve Türkiye Türkçesine çevirisi (Yusuf Has Hâcib Kutadgu Bilig, (Çeviri), Ankara 1988) Reşit Rahmeti Arat tarafından ya­yımlanmıştır. Reşit Rahmeti Arat tarafından hazırlanan indeksi ise Kemal Eraslan, Osman F. Sertkaya ve Nuri Yüce tarafından yayımlanmıştır. (Kutadgu Bilig III İndeks, İndeksi Neşre hzr. Kemal Eraslan, Osman F. Sertkaya, Nuri Yüce, İstanbul 1979). Fikri Silahtaroğlu, eseri Türkiye Türkçesine manzum olarak uyarlamıştır (Günümüz Türkçesi ile Kutadgu Bilig Uyarlaması, Ankara 1996). A. Dilaçar, eserin yazıldığı dönem ile şairini tanıtıp mesneviyi değerlendirmiştir (Kutadgu Bilig İn­celemesi. Ankara 1995). Ahmet B. Ercilasun ise, Kutadgu Bilig’de kullanılan Türkçe Fiiller üzerine bir çalışma yaparak neşretmiştir (Kutadgu Bilig Grameri -Fi­il-, Ankara 1984) Robert Dankoff tarafından giriş ve notlar ilave edilerek İngilizceye Wisdom of RoyalGlory başlığıyla çevrilmiştir. Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press, 1983.281 s. (Bu eserin Talan Tekin tarafından yapılan tanıtımı Mehmet Ölmez tarafından Türkçeye çevrilmiştir. Talat Tekin Türk Dilleri Araştırmaları 1991: 197-200)

Arat, Kutadgu Bilig, Önsöz, s.32- 46; Tuncer Gülensoy Türk Dili Tarihine Kısa Bir Bakış, Türkler Ansiklopedisi, Yeni Türkiye yay. Ankara. 2002, c.3, s.1146-1147, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kutadgu_Bilig http://www.turkedebiyati.org/yusuf_has_hacip.html:

http://www.cokbilgi.com/yazi/yusuf-has-hacip-kimdir-hayati-kutadgu-bilig/http://www.kirmizilar.com/tr/index.php/medeniyetimizi-kuranlar/item/196-yusuf-has-hacib; M.Fatih Şeker, Türk Dini Düşüncesinin Teşekkül Devri, Dergâh yay. İstanbul.2016, s.249

[8] Mevlüt Uyanık, Aygün Akyol, İslam Ahlak Felsefesi, Elis yay. Ankara.2014, 135-142, 288 vd

[9] Arat, Reşit Rahmeti Kutadgu Bilig çevirisine yazdığı “Önsöz”, s. 27, 29, Akyol, Kutadgu Bilig’de Ahlak ve Siyaset, s. 15, 18, 22, 28, 35,37-46, 216; Hayatı ve eser analizi için bkz. 16 vd; Cenk AYIK, Yusuf Has Hacib’in Kutadgu Bilig adlı Eseri: Kutadgu Bilig ve Siyasetname’de Ahlak Siyaset İlişkisi, Basılmamış Yüksek Lisans Tezi, Çorum 2016; s.11-20.

[10] Şeker, Türk Dini Düşüncesinin Teşekkül Devri, s. 249

[11] Mehmet Altay Köymen, “Selçuklu Devrinin Özellikleri”, Türkler Ansiklopedisi, Yeni Türkiye yay. Ankara. 2002, c. 4, s. 634; Kemal Yavuz, “XIII-XVI. Asır Dil Yadigârlarının Anadolu Sahasında Türkçe Yazılış Sebepleri ve Bu Devir Müelliflerinin Türkçe Hakkındaki Görüşleri”, Türkler Ansiklopedisi, c. 7,  s. 617.

[12] Arat, “Önsöz”, Kutadgu Bilig, s. 29-30; Ahmet Bican Ercilasun, Yusuf Has Hâcib ve Kutadgu Bilig (Başlangıcından Günümüze Kadar Büyük Türk Klasikleri), Ötüken yay. İstanbul.1985, c.1, s., 132’den nakleden Ayık, agt, s.19; Jurgen Paul, Karahanlılar, Türkler Ans. C.4, s.461; Hamza Zülfikar, “Türkçenin Söz Varlığında Yabancılaşma” aynı ansiklopedi, c.18, s.75

[13] Yusuf Has Hâcib, KB, R.R. Arat çevirisi, 34/77 (beyit 34 s.77; bundan sonra böyle verilecektir.)

[14] Yusuf Has Hâcib, KB, Mensur Mukaddime, 1-31/68-71; 64-71/81-83

[15] Mübahat Türker Küyel, Kutadgu Bilig ve Fârâbî” Uluslararası İbn Türk, Harezmi, Fârâbî, Beyruni ve ibni Sina Sempozyumu Bildirileri, Ankara.1990, s. 221, 224’ten alıntılayan Akyol, Kutadgu Bilig, s.28-29, kavramlar için bkz.32-66, Şeker, Türk Dini Düşüncesi, s. 249, 272-275, 277-278

[16] Fatih M. Şeker, Türk Düşünce Tarihi Açısından Kutadgu Bilig, Dergâh yay. İstanbul. 2011, s.7, 9, 11-14, 55, 80; a.mlf, Türk Dini Düşüncesinin Teşekkül Devri, Dergâh yay. İstanbul.2016, s.20

[17] Yusuf Has Hâcib, KB, R.R. Arat çevirisi, 8/73; Ali Haydar Bayat İslam Öncesi Orta Asya Türk Dünyasında Tababet, Türkler Ansiklopedisi, Yeni Türkiye Yay. Ankara.2002, s.809-813 833

[18] Osman Turan, Türk Cihan Hâkimiyeti Mefkûresi Tarihi, Nakışlar yay. İstanbul.1978, c.1,118 vd; M. Fatih Şeker, Türk Dini Düşüncesinin Teşekkül Devri, Dergâh yay. İstanbul.2016, s.15, 171-173

[19] Turan, Türk Cihan Hâkimiyeti, s.503

[20] Mevlüt Uyanık, Harici ve Batini Zihniyetlere Karşı Hoca Ahmed Yesevi ve Alp-Eren Tavrı, http://www.muhsiyad.com/haber.php?id=18&PROF-DR-MEVLUT-UYANIK-HARICI-VE-BATINI-ZIHNIYETLERE-KARSI-AHMED-I-YESEVI-YONTEMI-ve-ALP-EREN-TAVRI, 23.06.2016¸http://www.anahaberyorum.com/harici-ve-batini-zihniyetlere-karsi-ahmed-i-yesevi-yontemi-ve-alp-eren-tavri-haberi

[21] Turan, Türk Cihan Hâkimiyeti, s.118-120, 226-228

[22] Şeker; Türk Dini Düşüncesinin Teşekkülü, s. 235

[23] M.Fuad Köprülü, Türk Edebiyatında İlk Mutasavvıflar, TDV, Ankara.1991, s.145 vd

[24] Şeker, Kutadgu Bilig, s.131-132, 148,156 vd,

[25] Şeker, Türk Dini Düşüncesinin Teşekkülü, s.105

[26] Ahmet Yesevi için bkz. Mevlüt Uyanık, “Yeni Bir Türk-İslam Medeniyeti Tasavvuru İçin Hoca Ahmed-i Yesevi ve Yönteminin Önemi” Uluslararası Hoca Ahmed Yesevi Sempozyumu (Ankara, 28-30, Nisan 2016) sunulan bildiri

[27] “İslam içinde paralel İslam”lar ifadesi için bkz. A.Yaşar Ocak, Osmanlı Toplumunda Zındıklar ve Mülhidler, İstanbul.1998,s. 58-59,69-70’den alıntılayan Şeker age, s.152

[28] Osman Turan, “Türkler ve İslamiyet”, Selçuklular ve İslamiyet içinde, Turan yay. İstanbul.1971, s.14,22; Selçuklular Zamanında Türkiye, s.xııı-xıv

[29] Özellikle Moğol istilasından sonra en güvenli yer Selçuklu ülkesi haline gelmiştir. Bu nedenle olsa gerek Şahabeddin Sürheverdi, Halifenin elçisi olarak Türkiye’den dönerken Malatya’da rastladığı Necmeddin Razi’ye Sultan Alaadiddin’in hizmetine girmesini tavsiye eder.  Müslümanların sulh ve sükuneti Selçuklu hanedanının mübarek sancağı altında bulunduğunu belirtmesi bu bağlamda önemlidir.  Osman Turan, Selçuklular Zamanında Türkiye, Boğaziçi yay. İstanbul. 1993, s. 392, 599

[30] Şeker, Türk Dini Düşüncesinin Teşekkül Devri, s.23

[31] Şeker, age, s.37-38, 266-267; a. mlf, Kutadgu Bilig s.130

[32] Yusuf Has Hâcib , KB, (Arat çevirisi), 2418/467

[33] Şeker, Kutadgu Bilig s.16-17, 19, 110-119, 126-128,145. Şeker, Türk Dini Düşüncesinin Teşekkül Devri, s. 249-250, 254 bu metnin hedefi de Kutadgu Bilig’de sunulanları Fârâbî veya İbn Sina’nın görüşlerine hapsetmek yerine aynı hakikati iki farklı sunum tarzının incelenmesi ve kültürel sürekliliğe atıftır. Arat, KB, Önsöz, s.27

[34] Şeker, Kutadgu Bilig, s.20-22; Akyol, Akyol, Kutadgu Bilig, s.22; Bu âlimlerin yetiştiği Buhara ve Kaşgar 9. yüzyıldan itibaren İslam dünyasının önemli bir kültür merkezi olmuş, 113 medrese açılmıştır. Başta tıp ve felsefe alanında İbni Sina olmak üzere matematik, astronomi, fizik ve coğrafya alanında çalışmalar yapan Birûnî gibi ünlü bilim adamları yetişmiştir. 10. asırda Yusuf’un yetiştiği Kaşgar zengin bir kültür ve bilim merkezi haine gelmiştir. İbrahim Atalay, Türk Dünyası'nın Coğrafyası, Türkler Ansiklopedesi, cilt 1, s.320

[35] Mehmet Sait Hatipoğlu, Hilafetin Kureyşliliği, Otto yay. Ankara.2015, s. 65 vd

[36] Halil İnalcık, Kutadgu Bilig’de Türk ve İran Siyaset Nazariye ve Gelenekleri, Reşit Rahmeti Arat İçin adlı eser içinde, Ankara.1976, s. 231, 267-269 ve a.mlf, Şeriat, Kanun, Din ve Devlet, Osmanlı’da kanun Hukuk ve Adalet, İstanbul.2000, s. 43’ten alıntılayan Şeker, Kutadgu Bilig s.17-18

[37] Bizans tarihçisi Theophyloktos “Türkler yerlerin ve göklerin yaratıcısı olan Tek bir Tanrı’ya inanıyor, ona tapıyor ve kurban kesiyor” der. Türkler, toprak, su, hava ve ateş (dört temel unsur) takdis etmekle beraber, yerlerin ve göklerin yaratıcısı olan bir Tanrı’ya taptıkların, ona at, sığır ve kurban ettiklerini belirtir. Mengü Han da, “biz sadece tek bir Tanrı’nın varlığına, onun sayesinde yaşadığımıza ve onun emri ile öldüğümüze inanıyoruz” derken Göktürkler devrinde varılan yüksek bir uluhiyet inancının devam ettiğini belirtmiş olmaktadır. Osman Turan, Türk Cihan Hâkimiyeti Mefkûresi Tarihi, Nakışlar yay. İstanbul.1978, c.1, s.104-105, 226

[38] Bu temel ilkeler şunlardır: Hükümdar teb‟asının karnını doyuracak, sırtını giydirecektir. Yani ekonomiyi güçlü tutacak, halkı zengin kılacaktır. Paranın ayarını korumakla yükümlüdür. Hükümdar teb‟anın güvenlik ve korumasını sağlayacak, zorbalığa izin vermemelidir.  Hükümdar teb‟asına adaletle hükmetmelidir. Teb‟anın da hükümdara karşı vazifeleri vardır. Hükümdar hükümdarlığın gereklerini yerine getirdiği müddetçe halk da bu görevini yapmak zorundadır: Teb‟a hükümdara itaat etmelidir. Teb‟a hükümdarın dostuna dost düşmanına düşman olmalıdır. Teb‟a vergisini vermelidir.  Teb‟a askerlik görevini yerine getirmelidir. Refik Turan, “Türkiye Selçukluları ve Anadolu Beyliklerinde Teşkilât” Türkler, c.7, s.153

[39] Yusuf Hashacib, Kutadgu Bilig, 681,1507,3459,4996,4999-5000,5580,5947, krş Şeker, Kutadgu Bilig s., 45-46,51, Şeker, Türk Dini Düşüncesinin Teşekkülü, s.166 vd; Akyol, Akyol, Kutadgu Bilig, s.119,140,146, Osman Turan, Türk Cihan Hâkimiyeti Mefkuresi Tarihi, Nakışlar yay. İstanbul.1978, c.1, s.49, 227, 234 vd; Köprülüzade Mehmet Fuat, Milli Din, İstanbul.1942, bu kitap ilk mekteplerde okutulmak üzere hazırlanmış ve bölgemizdeki bütün milletleri (Mısırlılar, Finikeliler, Keldaniler, Asurlular, İranlılar, Hititler, Yunanlılar ve Türkler) ana hatlarıyla anlatır. İslam’da Cumhuriyet diye bir bölüm de ilk dört halife dönemini anlatır. Mutlakiyet devrinde Emevi saltanatı anlatılır. Genel olarak Türkler için bkz. S.18 vd

[40] Osman Turan, “Türkler ve İslamiyet”, Selçuklular ve İslamiyet içinde, Turan yay. İstanbul.1971, s.1,226; a.mlf, Selçuklular Zamanında Türkiye, s.9

[41] Bkz. K.K, İsra suresi 15. Ayet

[42] Nitekim Osmanlı âlimlerinin (Cevdet Paşa’nin İbn Haldun’un fikirlerinden hareketle) Halife ve hilafet konularını İmam Maturidi, Nesefi ve Sadru’s-Şeria’nın fikirlerinden hareketle müzakere eder.  bkz. Şeker, Türk Dini Düşüncesinin Teşekkülü, s.142-147

[43] Turan, Türk Cihan Hâkimiyeti, s.271; Türk İslam Ahlak Tasavvurunda Din, Toplum ve Siyaset ilişkisinin Kutadgu Bilig merkezli okuması için bkz. Aygün Akyol, “Türk düşünce Tarihinde Din-Siyaset İlişkisi –Kutadgu Bilig Merkezli Bir İnceleme-”, Türk İslam Siyasi Düşüncesi içinde, ed.: M. Akıncı, G.N. Şafak, Eğitimci Kamu Çalışanları Sendikası Yay., Ankara 2016, ss. 139-158; Mehmet Akıncı, “Türk Siyasal Düşüncesinin İnşasında Kutadgu Bilig’in Yeri –Kutadgu Bilig’de İktidar, Siyaset ve Toplum”, Türk İslam Siyasi Düşüncesi içinde, ed.: M. Akıncı, G.N. Şafak, Eğitimci Kamu Çalışanları Sendikası Yay., Ankara 2016, ss. 113-138.

[44] Şeker, Türk Dini Düşüncesi, s.249, a.mlf, Kutadgu Bilig s.17-18, Akyol, Kutadgu Bilig’de Ahlak ve Siyaset; s.22-27, ilk İslami eserlerden olduğuna dair bkz. Emine Yeniterzi, “Türk Edebiyatında Na'tlara Dair, Türkler, c.11, 762,765

[45] Arat, KB, Önsöz, s.31, buna karşı tez için bkz. “İlk bakışta bir siyaset-nâme gibi görülürse de eser esas itibariyle toplum içindeki fertlerle bunların toplum içindeki görevlerini engin bir hayat tecrübesi ile belirlemeye geniş yer verdiğinden bir nasihat-nâmedir.” Mahmut Kaplan, “Türk Edebiyatında Manzum Nasihat-Nâmeler”, Türkler Ansk. c.11, s. 792. Ama genellikle siyasetname olarak değerlendirilir, çünkü idare görev alacakların görevleri ve ne yapacaklarına dair nasihatler bulunmaktadır. Tuncer Gülensoy “Türk Dili Tarihine Kısa Bir Bakış” aynı ansiklopedi, cilt 3, s.632

[45] Hilmi Ziya Ülken, Türk Tefekkür Tarihi, İstanbul.2007, s.166

[46] Hilmi Ziya Ülken, Türk Tefekkür Tarihi, İstanbul.2007, s.166-167’den alıntılayan Şeker, Kutadgu Bilig s.13

[47] Şeker, Kutadgu Bilig s.26-28,80, Akyol, Kutadgu Bilig’de Ahlak ve Siyaset, s.28, 32 vd

[48] Yusuf Has Hâcib, KB, 398-461/151-161; Şeker, Kutadgu Bilig s.30, 45; Akyol, Kutadgu Bilig’de Ahlak ve Siyaset, s. 33.

[49] Şeker, Kutadgu Bilig s.82-98,127; Akyol, Kutadgu Bilig’de Ahlak ve Siyaset, s. 29, 35, 38, 48, 60

[50] Haciplik görevi için bkz. Yusuf Has Hâcib, KB, (Arat çevirisi), 2484-2506/477-479; Cenk AYIK, Yusuf Has Hacib’in Kutadgu Bilig adlı Eseri: Kutadgu Bilig ve Siyasetname’de Ahlak Siyaset İlişkisi, Basılmamış Yüksek Lisans Tezi, Çorum 2016; s.14-20

[51] Aristoteles, Politika, çev.: Mete Tuncay, Remzi Kitabevi, İstanbul 1975, s. 9, 85; Eudemos’a Etik, çev.: Saffet Babür, Dost Kitabevi, Ankara 1999, s. 221-1245b; Mehmet Ali Ağaoğulları, Eski Yunan’da Siyaset Felsefesi, Vteori Yay., Ankara 1989, s. 238; Aygün Akyol, “İslam Ahlak Felsefesinde Değerler Eğitimi”, Muhafazakar Düşünce Dergisi –Değerler Özel Sayısı-, Nisan, Mayıs, Haziran 2013, yıl: 9, sayı: 36, s. 42; Abdurrahman Şeref, Ahlak İlmi, Günümüz Türkçesine Akt.: Mevlüt Uyanık, Aygün Akyol, Elis Yay., Ankara 2012, s. 17, 18. Uyanık, Akyol, İslam Ahlak Felsefesi, s.291 vd

[52] Yusuf Has Hâcib , KB, Arat çevirisi, 1707/361;1747-1748/367

[53] Fârâbî, Kitabu’l-Mille çev.: Fatih Toktaş, Divan Dergisi, yıl:7, sayı: 12, 2002/1  s. 266; a.g. mlf., Fârâbî, Fususu’l-Medeni, çev.: Hanefi Özcan, DEÜİF. Yay., İzmir, 1987, s. 27, 28, 40

[54] Fârâbî, “Kitabu’l-Mille”, s. 265; Muhammed Sagir Hasan el-Ma’sumi, “Fârâbî II”, Klasik İslam Filozofları ve Düşünceleri içinde, çev.: Burhan Köroğlu, İnsan yay, İstanbul 1997, s. 65, 66; Akyol, Kutadgu Bilig’de Ahlak ve Siyaset, araştırma yay. Ankara. 2013, s. 116, 117.

[55] Fârâbî, Kitabu’l-Mille, s. 269; a.g. mlf., Fârâbî, İhsâu’l-Ulûm/İlimlerin Sayımı. çev.: Ahmet Ateş.: MEB. Yay. İstanbul 1990/1, s. 130.

[56] Fârâbî, Kitabu’l-Mille, s. 272; a.g. mlf., Fususu’l-Medenî, çev.: Hanefi Özcan, İfav. Yay., İstanbul 2005. s. 31

[57] Fârâbî, Fususu’l-Medenî, s. 39, 52, 69. Uyanık, Akyol, İslam Ahlak Felsefesi, s.293

[58] Fârâbî, Fususu’l-Medenî, s. 50, 53, 54.

[59]   Fârâbî, es-Siyasetü’l-Medeniyye, çev.: M. Aydın, A. Şener, M. R. Ayas, Kültür Bakanlığı Yay., İstanbul, 1980. s. 45; ag. mlf., el-Medinetül Fazıla, çev.: A. Arslan, Kültür Bakanlığı Yay., Ankara, 1990. s. 82-85. Uyanık, Akyol, İslam Ahlak Felsefesi, s.295-297

[60] Fârâbî, “Kitabu’l-Mille”, s. 258, 259, 266, 272, 273; a.g. mlf., Fususu’l-Medenî, s. 40.

[61] Fârâbî, Fususu’l-Medenî, s. 50; a.g. mlf., es-Siyasetü’l-Medeniyye, s. 46; a.g. mlf., el-Medinetül Fazıla, ss. 86-88; a.g. mlf., Kitabu’l-Mille, s. 266, 267.

[62] Cahil Şehir:Fârâbî’ye göre cahil şehir, dünya hayatında halkın iyilik sandığı iyiliklerden birini elde etmenin amaçlandığı yönetime denir. Bu yönetim şeklinde haz, itibar/şeref, zenginlik öncelenir. Nefisleri de maddeyle kaimdir. Bu da halkın ruhen eksik olduğunu gösterir Aslında erdemli şehir yöneticisi gerçek mutluluk için çalışırken, cahil şehirde tali mutluluğa neden olacak dünyevi hususlar öncelenir.

[63] Fasık Şehir:Fârâbî’ye göre, düşüncesi itibariyle bu yönetim biçimini erdemli yönetimden ayırt edebilmek zordur. Allah’ı, semavi varlıkları, faal aklı ve fazıl şehir halkının bildikleri inandıkları her şeyi bilirler ama gereğini yerine getirmezler. Şaşkın Şehir: İlk başkanın yönetiminin dalalet içinde olması durumudur. Çünkü yönetici fazilet ve bilgelik içinde olduğunu düşünür ve halkı da buna inandırır. Değişmiş Şehir: Önceden erdemli yönetim halkı gibi düşünüp yaşarken başka fikirlerin tesiriyle değişmiştir. Yukarıdaki açıklamalardan da görüldüğü üzere temel kriter, geçici mutluluk veren durumlar ile kalıcı mutluluğu hedeflemek arasındaki farkta yatmaktadır. Fârâbî, es-Siyasetü’l-Medeniyye, s. 52, 68; a.g. mlf., el-Medinetül Fazıla, 91-92; Macit Fahri, İslam Felsefesi Tarihi, s. 139. Fârâbî, Kitabu’l-Mille, s. 258-259, 265; a.g. mlf., el-Medinetü’l-Fazıla, s. 91, 92, 98; Aygün Akyol, “Fârâbî ve İbn Sînâ’ya göre Meâd Meselesi”, Hitit Üniversitesi İlahiyat Fakültesi Dergisi, c. 9, sayı: 18, 2010/2. s. 129. Uyanık, Akyol, İslam Ahlak Felsefesi, s.300-304