What is Fundamental(Religion)ism? Is It Really the Source of Violence?
Benjamin Franklin “Those who prefer short-term security to freedom deserve neither security nor freedom.” The way not to fall into the problem he says is to take precautions against acts of violence that threaten our security, without restricting our democratic rights and freedoms
Benjamin Franklin “Those who prefer short-term security to freedom deserve neither security nor freedom.” The way not to fall into the problem he says is to take precautions against acts of violence that threaten our security, without restricting our democratic rights and freedoms. In this context, it is necessary to analyze the pathological relationship between the concepts of "Islamophobia, radicalism and fundamentalism", which are identified with violence and terrorism and whose infrastructure is tried to be formed in religious terms.
At this point, we come across two basic concepts such as radicalism (fundamentalism) and fundamentalism (originism). In the chaos that started with the suspicious death of our 8th President Turgut Özal in 1993 and accelerated with the assassination of Uğur Mumcu, Iran was identified with Islam, fundamentalism and violence. At the same time, in the international arena, the USA started to form the infrastructure of its plans for the region, especially Iraq, by putting forward the thesis of the war of civilizations and the thesis of how a cultural cooperation between the Far East and the Middle East would lead the world to dangers.[1] Again, the then (1993) Israeli President Heim Heirtzoh said, “The biggest danger threatening the world right now is Islamic fundamentalism. Israel's current and future task is to fight the Islamic awakening on behalf of the West. In the past he fought against the spreads posed by the danger of communism; however, his new task after the collapse of the Soviet Union is to prevent the spread of Islamic fundamentalism in the region. In this context, it should be remembered that the Palestinian Hamas organization has an important function. Again, following the September 11, 2001 attacks, President Bush's "global war on terror" rhetoric led to a clear identification between Islam and terrorism in his policies towards the Middle East countries. [2nd]
The dimension of the international socio-political agenda, which gained momentum with the Mumcu Assassination in Turkey, resulted in a post-modern coup as of February 28, 1997. An attempt was made to make "Islamophobia" dominant in Turkey, whose population is overwhelmingly Muslim. Tunisia, the country where demands for freedom, democracy and liberal rights first erupted, and where the so-called "Arab Spring" started, was cited as an example by the rulers of that period. Syria, where mass murders are taking place at the moment, was tried to be taken as a model. It has been clearly stated by the most authoritative mouths that those who claim a right such as a headscarf should go to Saudi Arabia.
When we think about this “mindfulness” and its individual and social traumas, we have experienced as a society how functional the identification of Islam, Violence and fundamentalism (religion) is. A mentality that has a deeper root has kept the country and people constantly in tension with concepts and so-called dilemmas such as progressive-reactionism, secularism-anti-secularism,[3] the light of science-the darkness of the middle ages, radical and fundamentalist Islamists.[4] Adding to this, a sub-religious/sectarian divide like Alevi-Sunni, ideological like right-left, and ethnic dilemmas like Turkish-Kurdish, which is exacerbated today, the totalitarian structure shows that George Orwell's "horror utopia" is realized in a conscious and systematic way. We have seen it and unfortunately we are still experiencing its effects. In the international arena, there is not much change regionally, Iran showed its strength by conducting a major exercise in the Strait of Hormuz. The USA and Israel are preparing for the biggest exercise in their history, and soon a large number of US troops will be deployed to the region for Iran on the occasion of this exercise.[5]
Question(n): What is the relationship between the meaning of a word in a certain context and the content and meaning that the person who says it in that context in a sentence tries to convey to the person or people in front of him through that sentence? If we can find the answer to this question, we can contribute to overcoming these dilemmas that form the infrastructure of violence. As a matter of fact, based on the fiction that there is a close connection between Islam and reaction, "No one can return Turkey to the darkness of the Middle Ages!" The traces of economic backwardness, corruption and cultural bigotry in our country were still not erased in the period of February 28, when the minds and hearts became blind by making the slogan dominate.[6]
This was the national paradox in which Turkey and its people lived. There is also the trauma that emerged with the violent suppression of democratic demands that started in the Middle East countries under the name of the Arab Spring. Interestingly, the opposition in the Middle East also provides legitimacy for its actions by relying on religious terminology. The rulers of the Middle East countries, which have states with constitutions characterized by democracy, republic and socialism, and who say that they accept Islam as a fundamental value, see no harm in seeing all kinds of violence against their people. These states have constitutions, but this does not make a state democratic and does not remove dictatorship from it.[7] Giant
They are killing dozens of people every day in front of the eyes of the whole world, because they rule their states not with justice but with their own pleasure. This is the international paradox we live in.[8] For this reason, we want to briefly touch on the Relationship between Islam, Democracy and Violence, and analyze their conceptual representations of radicalism (fundamentalism) and fundamentalism (rootism).
CONCEPTUAL BASIS
Islam: The dictionary meaning is “liberation, well-being and being in peace. The meaning of the term is to surrender to the will of God. It is the title given to the divine and ultimate religion, which contains the general principles that will ensure the world and world happiness of Muslims in particular and all humanity in general. When we look at the content of both meanings, it is necessary to ask why a term started to be mentioned with the opposite concepts (violence, terror, chaos, cruelty, etc.).[9]
Democracy. Derived from the Greek words Demos (people) and kratos (power/power), the word means self-government of the people, either directly or through elected representatives, the dominance of rules in administration, the rule of the majority. There are critics of this general definition and philosophically directed towards it, but the important thing is that the opposition of the notion of democracy is authoritarianism, totalitarianism and dictatorship. At this point, instead of discussing the propositions starting with Islam and Democracy or Islam and…, if we say that there is a set of principles aiming to ensure peace and happiness of people in the world and their salvation in the hereafter, we will see that the rule of law/nomacracy is prioritized instead of the management style of Islam.[ 10]
Nomcracy: To ensure justice, equality, individual rights and freedoms; In short, it means to establish the legal regime. What is meant by the rule of law is that the basic features and elements of the state order, the fundamental rights and freedoms of the basic organs such as the legislature/executive/judiciary are guaranteed by the constitution. This is what Islam cares about, the basic principles that were sent for people to live peacefully and prosperously in this world, and when they act accordingly, success will come in the hereafter.[11]
Violence: The dictionary meaning of displaying a harsh, rigid attitude clearly reveals the place of this term in politics. In a state of law, it is not enough to say that fundamental rights and freedoms are recognized and guaranteed to citizens. Because, in the context of the question of how to resist a possible violation of rights, violence comes into play. Either civil and peaceful resistances are violently suppressed, or rights are demanded through violence, which paves the way for counter-violence. If the demands for the elimination of the violation of rights are in such a way as to eliminate the rights and freedoms of the 3rd parties, they are also suppressed with violence and the violation of rights cannot be eliminated and further violations of rights occur.
As seen in the Arab Spring in a civil and non-violent manner for equality, freedom and more democratic rights demands, the current administrations see the reactions as sedition and violence, apply counter-violence with reference to religious sources, and the problems become more unsolvable. Because in the Middle East, the tribal structure (patrimonial system), which our Master the Prophet saw as one of the traditions of the period of ignorance, was re-established. The main purpose of the Middle East governments is leadership, and to ensure this, religion is used as a means of legitimacy, so to speak, the "religion trader" that Kindi said centuries ago is being carried out. Issues such as the recognition of the simplest and ordinary individual rights (such as women's driving, as in Saudi Arabia) and freedoms, and the formation of the idea of an open society and state are suppressed and postponed under the cover of liberal and democratic administration, religion and conservatism.
Islamphobia: It is the combination of the term "phobia" meaning "fear, anxiety" and "Islam" meaning peace and well-being. Especially after the 2001 New York attack, Islam began to be presented as synonymous with fundamentalism, radicalism, violence and terrorism all over the world. In order to express the anxiety and fear of Westerners towards Muslims, the concept of Islamphobia is constantly ingrained in the minds through the media. But first, by making a self-criticism, it should be said that Muslims also contributed, albeit partially, to the formation of a conceptualization called Islamphobia[12] in the world. Because the term Islam, which includes the meaning of peace and well-being, and Islam, which is the name of the religion that includes the principles that will provide prosperity and peace in the world, unfortunately, also contributed significantly to the identification of the opposite concepts and the creation of a "utopia of fear" by the Middle Eastern countries and their rulers. Because these places have turned into a de facto oligarchy or dictatorship for their own people, which sees fear, oppression, mass murders, in short, all kinds of violence for their people. Practices in some Muslim countries contribute to the spread of Islamophobia, which further increases the severity of the current situation. look for fears
Comparative critical readings are necessary in order to avoid the environment of violence, which is created by dilemmas and where religious data are tried to be legitimized.[13]
Fundamental (religious)ism: The basic features of the conceptualization, in which it is expressed in terms of Arabic Usuliyye, English fundamentalist and radicalism, French L'interisme, Turkish fundamentalism and/or fundamentalism; dullness, rigidity, rejection of change, rejection of political authority, opposition, rejection of all progress and development movements, reversion, bigotry and intolerance.
According to Roger Garaudy, these conservative teachings, whatever the name; It is based on the belief that it has an absolute truth because it identifies any religious or political belief with the cultural structure or institutions it had in the previous period of history. Because of this feature, whether it is technocratic or Stalinist or of Christian, Jewish or Islamic origin, there is the risk of presenting the greatest danger to the future [14] today. So, first of all, there is a risk that all systems and ideologies, whether of human or divine origin, will turn into originary and fundamentalist structures. Before moving on to the question of why Islam is associated with violence, it is necessary to deal with Positivist thought, Marxism, Stalinism, Vatican fundamentalism, and selected tribal ideologies and/or fundamentalism of the Jews and their main lines. Only in this way can a connection be established between the international dimension of the relationship between religion and violence and the legitimacy of the policies implemented.[15]
6.1. Positivism as an Aspect of Western Fundamentalism
The doctrine that assumes that humanity has gone through lahuti-theological and metaphysical periods, that positive values, science is a light and guide, and that humanity will reach happiness only with its data; It is an important fundamentalism. Because while he said that religious values have no meaning, he presented a science concept free of all values to humanity as a new "secular religion". The West assumed that the existence of the non-Western societies, the third world in the old term, and the southern group countries in the new term would only be possible with a civilization vaccine that could be injected with a western knowledge and understanding of science, and established its policies on this dogmatic, basic and radical doctrine.[16] The ideas of thinkers such as Voltair, Didero, and Roussau were carried to the Arab world through Abdurrazık, Anton, and A. Lütfi.[17]
6.2. Marxism and Stalinism as Aspects of Western Fundamentalism
Theoretically, economics and politics are English, philosophy is German; socialism is a dogmatism and fundamentalism of French origin.[18] Both the Arab world and the states in the Turkestan region point to its rule with fundamentalist and radical politics; this is typical dictatorship and dogmatism. The influence of this fundamentalist genre, its place in Ba'ath Socialist parties in the Arab world; We understand better when we observe that the heads of state of the Turkic Republics that gained independence in 1991 are people who were brought up with this teaching.
6.3. Vaticanism as an Aspect of Western Fundamentalism
It is a historical fact that all features of this term have been determined by Christian denominations, since the first to use the term fundamentalism were its predecessor Protestants; they are literalist, messianic, evangelist and particularist.[19] The point we would like to mention briefly here is that while supporting the counter-guerrillas in Nigerau; The USA's characterization of this movement as a "Democratic, Crusade" and its basing the invasion of Iraq in a messianic manner are typical fundamentalist movements. It is a fact that the basis of this is formed by Christian teachings.[20] Therefore, there are originist/fundamentalist teachings in the tradition of Western thought, and there is a fundamentalism/radicalism that emerges by transforming them into a political ideology.[21] This is an indication that fundamentalist movements have emerged as a modern phenomenon in the tradition of Western thought.[22] As can be seen, the basis of fundamentalism is the West, especially the USA. Although the subcontractor state is Israel and its victims are Muslims, Islamic fundamentalism and fundamentalism are still on the agenda. In order to discuss the consistency of this at this stage, it is necessary to distinguish between the two terms first.
Fundamentalism and Fundamentalism as Aspects of Islamic Thought
origination; corresponds to the Salafist thought, it expresses scientific and intellectual movements that aim to revisit the foundations, methods and roots of Islam in order to seek solutions to modern problems in today's world. In this sense, fundamentalism; involves an originary-procedural thought. Instead of the term "Usuli", we also used the word predecessor, which is used as an ideological expression of reform movements in the modern period. As a matter of fact, there are examples of this usage in the Saudi Wahhabism, the Libyan Sanusi movement and the Mahdi movements in Sudan.[23] Western researcher Munson makes a similar determination; Although there is no similar formation to the Protestant movement in the Islamic world, fundamental.
He states that the term "ntalism" best expresses the attempt to create an Islamic policy based on arranging the prophet in all areas of life in the socio-political sense. He then says that they generally avoid violence. He does not find the terms militant Islam and Islamist consistent.[24]
To say this is not to say that there are no radical/fundamentalist/Islamist units in the political environment that prefer armed actions. Presented as radical Islamist or fundamentalist, it is different from fundamentalism or fundamentalism. He even aims to establish an Islamic state by using it as a political ideology by taking it against him. Therefore, radical Islamist doctrine is constantly on the agenda as it advocates that Muslims should establish an Islamic state based on their own beliefs. But they are on this agenda; It is because of the failures of the system they oppose rather than the consistency of the system they propose. In the words of A. Y. Ocak, the first is not westernist, but modernization and originist; open to democracy, while the latter, by contrast, is fundamentalist.[25] In short, there is a phenomenon of fundamentalism in radicalist political-intellectual movements, but their leading activists are not professional politicians; They do not have a deep-rooted religious education either; They are people who are engaged in politics belonging to various professional groups and aim to bring Islam to public life. For this reason, they can be called new Salafis, since their main feature is to rethink Islam in modern terms and turn it into a political ideology. Therefore, even if it is called "new Salafism", it can be defined as radical Islam in essence.[26]
It should be emphasized, however, that these concepts are constantly confused: the term al-Usuliyye al-Islamiyye is coined with fundamentalism; but it corresponds to the radical term of January. As a matter of fact, thinkers such as Mawdudi, al-Banna and Qutb, who are presented as pioneers of radical movements in the Arab world, are seen as fundamentalists. As a political movement, it refers to those who put into practice the thesis that there will be no sovereignty other than Allah by following the Qur'an and Sunnah without the need for rational proof.[27]
Characteristics of Fundamentalist and Fundamentalist Teachings
According to the first (originalist-fundamentalist) conceptualization, the religious is an objective datum; but not in a positive way. The revelations that make up religion were sent at a particular moment in history; but to say this does not mean to reduce religious data to a political, economic, social or political history. However, economic, social or political factors are hidden in this religious experience, they are present in it. To understand the religious phenomenon, an originist; it focuses on the need to pay attention to metaphysical and social issues in that period of time, so it acts from the necessity of the existence of a causal process. It tries to understand that religious phenomenon by following the specific and general principles of development. In the other conceptualization (radicalism), there is a claim that the religious phenomenon directly has a certain structure and feature. In short, the difference between fundamentalism and radicalism; It is like the difference between historicism and historicism in the philosophy of history.[28]
If attention is paid to this, it will be more appropriate to introduce the Qur'an and Sunnah as a guide, a source of wisdom and grace that creates the common values and acceptances of Muslim societies or guides them in this regard, rather than characterizing them as a legislative model or source. ”[29] Therefore, the second doctrine (radicalism) both rejects the concepts of the West and democracy as identical and rejects them, and also makes an ideological appeal to people in “purgatory” who take refuge in a utopian understanding of the state in which today's people cannot find a convincing method to solve their problems.
This teaching, in the final analysis, "Where did we go wrong?" Instead of looking for the answer to the question of the West, he blamed all the blame on Western colonialism and imperialism, and pushed the Islamic world into a reactionary state, which provided the necessary other for the West, which wanted to increase its hegemony. Responsiveness increasingly blunted the Muslims' ability to be creative and productive. Islam is both local; While it was desired to adjust social, political, economic and international relations according to Islam by making a lifestyle in both general areas, the absence of real politics immediately emerged. Nasser, Khomeini and Gaddafi movements with very different conceptions of Islam are examples of this issue. Instead of using, transforming or changing the current situation, they all tried to create a “new reality”.[30] But the situation of the countries of these three leaders is clear, civil war broke out in Egypt and Libya, and the governments killed people, and they still continue to kill. Iran, on the other hand, is ready to be mixed up at any moment. Two of these leaders said that they were socialists and one of them was an Islamist, but because they did not ensure the right and justice administration, which is the basic principle of Islam, their countries are identified with violence and terrorism today.
The Difference Between Fundamentalist and Fundamentalist Reading
In a radical or fundamentalist reading, government is ruled in the name of religion or public interest, and
it has an emphasis; The basic principle is that sovereignty belongs only to Allah”. However, with a procedural-origin reading, it is seen that the dominance here is unique to the metaphysical field, and to bring it to the physical level and to fill a political content means to carry out a hegemonic policy in the name of religion. This is the difference between fundamentalism and fundamentalism, fundamentalist and radical reading; In the first, the statement that sovereignty belongs to God is used in classical literature to indicate a creed and universal principle, even a universal fact.
In this sense, the sovereignty of Allah and the fact that the source of political power is the will of morality do not contradict each other. The fact that Allah created man as the caliph and assigned him to the construction of the earth, to live in an orderly and secure social life without violating the law, and to give him authority and responsibility necessitates that the source of political choice and power be human. Being the "Sha'ri" of Allah; that is, to determine the basic principles of religion, to become a "jurist"; that is, it does not prevent him from making some distinctions in the face of developments and suggesting new solutions (ijtihad).[31] The second (radicalist) reading thinks of Islam as a political regime and reduces it to a political ideology, saying that the solution to the problems of Muslim societies can only be achieved with the Islamic state.
Both are actually modern readings, but originary; There is an effort to reinterpret the basic principles according to the conditions of the day and to develop solutions, while fundamentalism strives to fit a very changeable phenomenon such as politics into a historical phenomenon. In this last sense, a reaction can be mentioned, but the fact that there is no possibility of repeating a fact in terms of philosophy of history necessarily makes this reading style paradoxically modern.
CONCLUSION
There have been some changes in the traditional understanding of religion with the influence of education and training, but the Anatolian people did not fall into the progressive-reactionary, secular-anti-secular dilemma. As a matter of fact, as a Muslim prime minister of the Republic of Turkey, a secular and social state of law, Mr. Erdogan's emphasis on the importance of secularism for the coexistence of different religions, races and cultures in Cairo is the best example of this. [32] Significant social changes are taking place in Turkey. With the modernization, the countrymen had the opportunity to educate their children and started to come to the center from the surrounding areas; this meant raising people who could organize it as a political and social movement that tried to present Islam as a religion and a lifestyle. Therefore, trying to live a lifestyle by prioritizing religious values does not mean that Turkey has left the path of modernization. Therefore, "the content of the Islamic awakening is more modern than is thought" Especially in Turkey, there is no consistency in establishing the identification of Islam, violence and terrorism.
As Erol Güngör said years ago, “Except for a small group of intellectuals who do not take Islam into account in any way or see it only as an obstacle in these ways, whether they are conservative; whether they are classified as modernist or conciliatory, the common side of all intellectuals of the Islamic world; It is to reconcile Islam with modern civilization. [33]
“The idea that religion represents the old and backward has been destroyed in Turkey; Therefore, the religious or the Islamists have long been spared the need to defend themselves over the old or to tell everyone that religion is an obstacle to modern life. The basis of this change lies in the fact that an (Islamist) intellectual mass who prioritizes religious values has grown up and established itself in every field of activity of the country with its industriousness, virtue, knowledge and good manners. The balance sheet of the “progressive” intellectual type, who is now accustomed to looking down on him and perhaps continues that old habit to some extent, is about to close with a big zero.”[34] For this reason, the progressive-regressive, secular-anti-secular distinctions and Islam, violence and terror. It turned out that there was no consistency in the identification.
footnotes
[1] Küçükcan Talip, “Democracy, Religion and Global Violence, Islam and Violence, edit. Mümtaz'er Türköne, Istanbul. 2007. p.144 et al; Yurdusev Nur, terrorism and Islam in the grip of democracy, ibid., p. 189 et al; Sirim, Veli, War Approaches to the religion of peace, Islam, same review, p.91 et al., 102 et al., Sayyid S, Fear of Fundementalism, trans. Ceylan, N Yılmaz, Vadi spring. Ankara.2000, p9,23 v
[2] Uyanık, Mevlüt, An Analysis For Thesis Of Conflict Of Civilizations And Turkey's Contribution To Cross-Cultural Fourth International Conference of the Asian Philosophical Association (4-6 November. 2009, Jakarta, Indonesia) Talha Köse, From Cultural Violence to the Dialogue of Civilizations, Islam and Violence edit. Mümtaz'er Türköne, Istanbul. 2007. p.144 et al; s. 292 et al; Özlem, Destiny, The Rising Reality of Islamophobia in Europe, Islam and Violence, edit. Mümtaz'er Türköne, Istanbul. 2007. p.202 et al.
[3] In Erol Güngör's words, the distinctions between forward-backward, modern-anti-modern
progress (progress) that creates the ambition; It is a sociological concept developed in the 19th century, although the idea is rooted in 18th century philosophers. With this thought, it was based on the belief that humanity is always getting better and perfect over time; but, even in the West, it was met with doubts and hesitations and finally vanished into history. In fact, a clear distinction between traditionalist Islamists and modernist westerners has always been met with criticism in our tradition. Gungor, Erol. Issues of Islam Today, Istanbul. 1993, 8th ed. p.22-23, 69 ff
[4] Uyanık, Basic Terms of Conceptual Confusion in Turkey: “Religion” “Nation” and “Shariah”. New Turkey, Special Issue of the Republic, 23-24. 2618 2629, (1998); On Western Fundamentalism; Bizim Dergah Magazine, 6th issue of the year. 64. 1993, p. 30-31; The Informational Ground of the Islamic Awakening, New Journal, no. 4. Ankara. 1994, p. 70-75; An Essay on the Meaningfulness of the Expression of Islamic Movements” EKEV Academy Journal, vol.1, pp.1.May.1998, pp.9-16; The Nature of the Relationship between Islam and Democracy Turkey Journal No.51, 1998, pp.39-60; “Media and the Muslim Image” Muslim Image, Diyanet Foundation spring. Ankara.1996, p. 287-295; For my translation articles, see Abdurrahman Mümin, “On Islamic Fundamentalism -The Genealogy of a Stereotyped Expression-Journal of Islamic Studies, vol. 6, number. 3, 1992, p. 165-171Muhammad Khalifa, Islamic Awakening in Turkey as Reflected in Western Press and Publication Organs, Journal of Turkiye Daily, no. 22, Ankara.1993, pp.161-166; Hasan Turabi, Islamic Democracy, State and the West, New Journal, no. 7-8, Ankara. 1995, pp.123-134; Muhammed Amara, Islam, Democracy and Political Parties, Gündüz Newspaper, 11 -23 August. 1995
[5] http://savunmaturk.net/haberimiz-yine-dogru-cikti-dev-abdisrail-tatbikati-basiyon-t9121.0.html. http://www.ntvmsnbc.com/id/25307833/. http://www.haberturk.com/dunya/haber/703514-savas-canlari-caiyor. Turkey and Egypt are making joint preparations to be prepared for possible tensions between Iran, the USA and Israel. http://www.ntvmsnbc.com/id/25307833/
[6] However, this proposition has no historical or epistemic consistency. Because the thought presented as medieval darkness and dogmatism has no connection with Islamic thought, and the work of medieval philosophy expert E. Gilson (The Spirit of Medieval Philosophy, trans. Şamil Öçal, Ankara. 2003) shows that this conceptualization is also not valid for Western thought. showed. Since Voltaire, the intellectual adventure of humanity in the form of historical periods such as Antiquity, Hellenistic and Roman Age, Medieval Age, Renaissance, Reform and Enlightenment is presented in sections. In fact, even leaving aside the fact that such distinctions are very dangerous for the philosophy of history, it means nothing more than a stereotypical slogan that Turkey will never be returned to the darkness of the Middle Ages once again. Because who and what civilization are we talking about in the middle ages? If we make this clear; Since the Western civilization imposed its universality on non-Western societies as “unique and absolute”, the history of thought of humanity is presented by dividing it into the above periods. In this context, the Middle Ages finds its foundations in Antiquity. In this period when the religious dimension was intense, the basic teachings of Christianity began to be presented by shaping them with the data of the ancient age. Father and Son, God and St. Explaining the incarnation of Jesus with Aristotle's understanding of matter and form, the Church grounded its universality with Aristotle's understanding of the world. Thus, Father+Son+Ruhu'l-Kuds declared its universality in the world. Those who oppose this doctrine, which manifests itself in the form of Catholic (Universal)ism, even if it is for the sake of science, that the church fathers themselves believe in God and Hz. They were subjected to extreme torture because it contradicted their identification with Jesus. Against these, who describe themselves as the Catholic Church, some Christians said that the true true belief (orthodoxy) belonged to them and they rejected the Pope. Protestantism, which was formed by those who protested the conversion of Catholicism and Orthodoxy into a religion, claimed that the most genuine faith belonged to them, and there were violent religious conflicts. Who in Turkey wants to return to the darkness of the Middle Ages, which lasted about a thousand years (395-1453), it is not possible to understand this? Moreover, if we pay attention to the date of 1453; It is clear that this corresponds to the period when the Turks were at the peak of their civilization. Now no one can return Turkey to the darkness of the Middle Ages! Does the slogan mean the Middle Ages of the West, which we have never experienced, or the period when the Turks were the leaders of the world in every field? The first medieval period has nothing to do with us, so this slogan has no meaning. If the second one is meant, it means that one does not want to see Turkey as a "leader". For the criticism of this stereotypical expression, which was used a lot during the post-modern coup on February 28, see: Uyanık, Mevlüt, no one can return Turkey to the darkness of the Middle Ages! 21/11/98 Gündüz Newspaper
[7] Leslie Lipson, P.
Politics Fundamental Problems of Science, trans. Tuncer Karamustafaoğlu. Unity bow. 4th edition.1986, p. 301.
[8] See. Awake, Mevlut. Transformations in the Arab World: Yemen, Journal of Social Policy in the Public, year 5, no.18, 2011/3, Ankara. Officer Sen, ss. 28-42. http://www.haberlotus.com/2011/10/18/arap-dunyasinda-donusumler-yemen/. For an analysis of the pathological relationship between religion and violence in terms of both Muslims and Jews, see. Küçükcan, agm, p.141 et al.
[9] Sirim, Veli, Approaches to War on the Religion of Peace, Islam and Violence, edit. M. Turkone, Istanbul. 2007. p.91 et al.
[10] Uyanık Mevlüt, The Nature of the Relationship between Islam and Democracy, Turkey Journal, issue 51, (1998) p. 39-60
[11] M.Faruk en-Nebhan, General Principles of Islamic Constitutional and Administrative Law, trans. Servet Armağan, Sönmez Yay.İstanbul.1980, p.27 et al. Ahmet Akgündüz, Our Old Constitutional Law and the Islamic Constitution, Timaş spring. Istanbul.1989 See also Mehmet Niyazi, Islamic State Philosophy, Ötüken spring. Istanbul.1989
[12] Yurdusev, agm, p.202 et al, Küçükcan, gam, pp.149-151, Özlem, agm, p.197 et al; Uyank Mevlüt, (2002) September 11, 2001: The End of the Alleged Alliance Between Liberals and Islamists? ? Tezkire, year.11. no.26., p.202-216; Awake, Islamic Movement, p.9; a.mlf, “Media and the Muslim Image,” p. 287
[13] Uyanık, M. Religion Cannot Be a Tool for Hegemonic Politics” Islam and Violence, (M.Türköne, Istanbul. 2007. p.43 et al.
[14] Garaudy, Roger, Integrism: Cultural Suicide, trans. K.B. Çileçöp, İstanbul.1995, p.9
[15] Küçükcan, agm, p.144 et al., Sayyid, supra, p.23 et al.
[16] Garaudy, supra, p.15-25
[17] Kemal abdullatif, el-felsefetu'n-Nahda fi intellectual Avrupa, , el-Mevsuatu'.-Felsefiyyeti'l-Arabiyye, Beirut.1988, ed. Muin Ziyade, c.2. p.1039-1044
[18] Garaudy, supra, pp. 24-38
[19] It is the task of historians of religions to investigate their characteristics and is beyond the scope of this paper. Not all Protestant groups had the same characteristics, for example the Amish are predecessor, literalist and particularist, but reject the Messianic millennial teaching and evangelical activities (evangelism). One of the Protestant groups in the USA that reads the holy text of Protestant fundamentalism as a literal literal is the New Orleans Baptist Church. See. Griessman, Eugene, “Philo-Semitism and Protestant Fundamentalism”Phylon, The Atlanta University, Vol.37, No:3, 1976, p.200 et al; Gordon F.De Jong, “Religious Fundamentalism, Socio-Economic Status and Fertilitiy Attitudes in the Southern Appalachias” Demography, Population Association of America, c.2.1968, p.543
[20] For Roman integrationism, see Garaudy, supra, pp.38-59
[21] The expectation of a Mahdi, both religiously and politically, emerges as a matter of belief rather than being a utopian dream. Mormons, Presbyterians, and Baptists believe that Jesus will come a second time for the resurrection of the Jews in Palestine. The name of the church that symbolizes this is the Millennial Church of the United Society of Believers in Christ's Second Appeaing. Eugene, agm, pp.203-204
[22] See. Bruce, Steve, “Modernty and Funtemantalism: The New Christian Right in America” The British Journal of Sociology, The London School of Economic and Political Science, c.41, No.4. 1990, pp.486-487
[23] We only see the Saudi style shifting to fundamentalism as an ideological and radical political structure, Baer, Gabriel, Islam and Politics in Modern Middle Eastern Histroy” Islam and Politics in the Modern Middle East. Ed. Metin Heper, R. Israel. London.1984. p.13-14
[24] Munson, Henri, J.R, Islam and Revolution in the Middle East, London. 1988, p.3-4
[25] January, Ahmet Yaşar. “Islam in the Face of Globalization or Carrying Islam to the Present and the Future” National Cultures and Globalization-In Memory of Erol Güngör, 16-18 October 1997) Congress Texts, Konya.1998, p.52; cf. Kurşun, Zekariya, “Government Forms in Arab Countries and the Future of Democracy” Islam and Democracy Symposium, TDV, Ankara. 1998, p.232; see also Fehmi Ced'an, Discussions on Islamic Management, trans. M. Yolcu, İstanbul.1989
[26] See. Uyanık, The Islamization of Knowledge and Contemporary Islamic Thought, Ankara. 2001, 2nd edition, pp.53-54
[27] Mavsili, Ahmed, al-Usuliyye al-Islamiyye, al-Mevsuatu'.-Felsefiyyeti'l-Arabiyye, Beirut. 1988, ed. Muin Ziyade, c.2. p.150
[28] Jamil Qasim, al-Islam and al-Islamawiyya (Islamism). El-Fikru'l-Arabiyyu'l-Muasir, no.98-99, 1992, pp.58-64, crs. Awake, A Call to Philosophical Thought, Ankara.2003, p.154 et al.
[29] Bardakoglu, Ali; “Theoretical Islam and Democracy: Legislation” Islam and Democracy Symposium, TDV, Ankara. 1998, p. 366
[30] Karaosmanoğlu, Ali L. Islam and its implications for the International System” ” Islam and Politics in the Modern Middle East. Ed. Metin Heper, R. Israel. London.1984. p.111-116; Ibrahim, agm, p.22
[31] Bardakoğlu, agm, pp.363-367
[32] Erdogan: Secularism is not anti-religion. When Muslims come to power, Christians, Jews and atheists should be respected as equal citizens. Do not be afraid of secularism”. Morning newspaper. 15.9.2011:22. http://www.sabah.com.tr/Yazarlar/kahraman/2011/09/19/misirda-laikli
k-discuss. http://www.haberlotus.com/2011/10/18/arap-dunyasinda-donusumler-yemen/
[33] Güngör, supra, pp.22-23
[34] Gungor, supra, p.213-216. 221