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Turkey Increases its Influence in Africa Despite Traditional Powers such as China, Russia and the West

Turkey's relations with Africa initially gained momentum as it mobilised soft power elements (humanitarian aid, education and cultural initiatives) rather than economy and trade. Over time, Turkey has engaged in more pinpointed operations and assertive forms of influence, which have become key elements of the partnership with each country.

The 54-country African Continent Struggles Against Ancient Western Imperialism

Turkey has recently found it necessary to seek rapprochement with Egypt because of its similar positions on the conflicts in Sudan and Gaza. Ankara is also skilfully managing its relations with two regional rivals, Morocco and Algeria. In the Sahel and the Horn of Africa, Turkey is perceived as less problematic than Moscow and the Wagner group and more popular than the former colonial powers. All this suggests that Turkey will act in Africa with a pragmatist policy approach and will continue to maintain its will to be a strategic partner with most, if not all, countries in Africa.

Africa is on its way to becoming an actor whose influence in the international system is increasing every year and whose weight on the global stage is gradually increasing. The economic and commercial potential and geopolitical weight of this continent attract many countries and investors to Africa, including Turkey.

In recent years, Turkey has been pursuing a multidimensional foreign policy to improve its relations and co-operation with the African continent. Ankara has made Africa one of its foreign policy priorities. It pursues a policy that emphasises multidimensionality in the African context. Turkey conducts its contacts with African countries within the framework of the principle of "African solutions to African problems" and on the basis of mutual benefit. Shaped around this perspective, progress is being made rapidly in many areas such as trade, investments, cultural projects, security and military cooperation and development projects, especially political relations.

Ankara's Relations with African Countries Continue to Grow

Turkey attaches importance to opening representative offices in all African countries in order to strengthen its relations with the continent. Turkey, which currently has embassies in 44 African countries, acts with the principle of "there will be no African country without an embassy". In addition to the embassies, institutions such as TIKA (Turkish Cooperation and Coordination Agency), AFAD (Disaster and Emergency Management Presidency of the Ministry of Interior), Yunus Emre Institute, Maarif Foundation, Turkish Religious Foundation, Anadolu Agency, Turkish Airlines are also acting as part of the activities and contacts on the continent. In this context, Turkey, which aims to increase its total trade with the African continent to over 50 billion dollars, continues to seek to develop bilateral economic relations with each African country exponentially. In 45 African countries, the business volume of Turkish contracting companies undertaking construction projects is growing rapidly and approaching the target of 100 billion dollars.

Therefore, Turkey's multifaceted approach to co-operation with Africa continues to bear fruit. Ankara, under the leadership of President Erdoğan, is actively trying to improve its diplomatic relations with African countries. Erdoğan met with Somali President Hassan Sheikh Mahmoud at the Antalya Diplomacy Forum on 2 March 2024 and proactively demonstrated his willingness to promote political, military, economic, commercial and cultural relations with African countries in every environment and seized every opportunity. Turkey is taking steps to reinforce that Africa is at the centre of Turkey's focus.

When we look at Turkey's relations with African countries, we witness that Turkey-Africa relations started to deepen around 2005. This deepening is due to Ankara's desire to utilise the opportunities arising from global geopolitics in line with a decisive and long-term policy, as well as the growth trend of the Turkish economy since the mid-2000s.

Turkey's relations with Africa initially gained momentum as it mobilised soft power elements (humanitarian aid, education and cultural initiatives) rather than economy and trade. Over time, Turkey has engaged in more pinpointed operations and assertive forms of influence, which have become key elements of the partnership with each country. In 2011, for example, Turkey played a vital role during the devastating famine in Somalia as the frontline aid provider. In 2017, it established a major overseas military training facility, the TÜRKSOM (1) Military Training Camp in Mogadishu. In 2019, Turkey, despite its good relations with Russia, sided with General Khalifa Haftar, who was directly supported by Egypt and Russia, and did not hesitate to intervene in the Libyan civil war by supporting the Tripoli administration politically and militarily on the ground. Although Turkey's historical ties with Libya were undoubtedly decisive in this policy, the signal given to African countries was read as proof that Turkey could develop an alternative approach in the continent not only for Western countries but also against Russia and China.

Turkey-Africa relations are developing rapidly thanks to Ankara's ambitious and multifaceted long-term strategy. Turkey is engaging with a wide range of actors, including government bodies, private sector firms and faith-based groups, to expand its influence. It is intensifying its official diplomatic efforts: There are now 44 Turkish embassies in Africa, up from 12 in 2002. Ankara has also launched cultural programmes, business councils and an extensive network of flights across the continent; Turkish Airlines now flies to more than 60 African destinations.

Turkey's strategy in its engagement with African countries is in some ways similar to China's. Like Beijing, Ankara emphasises that it respects the sovereignty of these countries and builds its relations by making each country feel like a partner. In my opinion, especially Turkey, which does not have the imperialism-based political history of Western countries linked to this continent, is seen by African countries as a country with which they can establish 'equal' relations. In this context, I also believe that the traditional Muslim identity of the Turkish people and the fact that Turkey does not have a colonial past like the Western countries provides a good ground for Ankara to raise its hand, leading to its acceptance in the African continent as a unique power. I also think that the picture of Turkey refraining from imposing certain political conditions on these countries serves to keep the soft road open for this policy. In addition, the Turkish financial aid model developed for African countries also offers an advantage for Ankara in bilateral relations. Even if funding is limited, the fact that grants are negotiated within the framework of bilateral schemes makes Turkey's offer an attractive alternative to aid from international organisations that come with heavy political demands.

Turkey is also building a strong defence partnership in Africa

The great sailor Barbarossa landed from Algeria to the Spanish in 1516 and took a stance to protect Africa against the colonisers. Since then, the Ottoman Empire started to establish bases in Africa and developed its influence and connections in North Africa and the Horn of Africa. Ankara, which now seems to want to build on this Ottoman legacy, is expanding and strengthening its relations with West African and Sahel countries such as Nigeria and Senegal.

Over the last two decades, trade between Turkey and Africa has increased from $5.4 billion to over $40 billion in 2022. From consumer goods to cultural products, pharmaceuticals to construction services, Turkish products and services are making significant inroads into African markets thanks to their quality and competitive prices. As seen in the examples of Niger and Chad, Turkey is offering the armed version of the new generation basic military training aircraft Hürkuş, as well as armed unmanned aerial vehicle packages (aircraft, targeting pods, weapons and ammunition) to African countries, enabling them to benefit from Turkey's capacity to provide them with the capabilities to meet their security needs and fight against terrorism.

In this context, we can argue that Turkey is becoming a key actor in Africa's changing security environment. Already with a significant presence in North Africa and the Horn of Africa, Ankara has succeeded in signing defence treaties with West and East African countries, including Ethiopia, Ghana, Kenya, Nigeria, Chad and Rwanda. Although the details of the treaties vary in scope, security provisions and technical assistance to military training, they mostly include provisions for the sale of arms and ammunition.

The developing Turkish defence industry is also bearing fruit in Africa. In 2023, Turkey's defence and aerospace exports increased by 27 percent, reaching a record high of $5.5 billion, and continue to be a source of pride for the Turkish people. In 2024, Turkey's growth in the sale of defence products is expected to accelerate. Turkey is becoming a global and significant player in the Ankara arms industry thanks to competitive aircrafts such as Atak, TB2, Anka, Aksungur, Akıncı, and in the near future Hürkuş and Hürjet, as well as targeting pods, sensors, electronic warfare capabilities, and especially the ability to make modern ammunition available to the countries that buy these aircrafts, important factors that act as a 'medicine' for third world countries. I believe that this momentum and rise will continue.

Turkish defence products have many advantages, especially for African countries. These products, which Turkey is using effectively in the fight against terrorism, have also been field-tested in Azerbaijan, Libya, Syria and, most recently, Ukraine, and have proven their operational competence, as well as being affordable and technically reliable. Again, unlike the West, Turkey is able to provide this assistance without making it conditional on governance or human rights commitments, making Turkish defence products the commodity of choice.

For countries such as Togo, Niger, Nigeria or Somalia, which face insurgent movements, under-resourced armies and border problems, Turkey's drones and counter-terrorism expertise are particularly valuable, especially for the countries it deals with. Another sign of Ankara's growing importance in Africa's security environment is the prominent presence of new maritime initiatives in the Mediterranean, Red Sea and Gulf of Aden, including partnerships with Somalia, Sudan and Eritrea.

Conclusion

Unlike the US in part and the EU in particular, Turkey does not have an imperialist past that makes African countries uncomfortable. While Ankara is in a position to design a coherent African policy, I expect that the EU's relations with the continent will become increasingly difficult, and that US initiatives on the continent will continue to be largely frustrated. I believe that this reality presents an opportunity for Turkey, as well as China and Russia, and possibly Russia as well, to further consolidate the bridge it is building with African countries.

Given Turkey's regional interests, including geopolitical concerns, economic interests and trade dynamics, Ankara's relations with Africa should remain a priority. I see numerous benefits in opening this window of opportunity to the fullest, because from the perspective of African countries, Ankara continues to offer opportunities for them to build their defence capabilities and access economic and trade benefits. Therefore, a relationship with Turkey means win-win.

As Ziya Pasha pointed out in his quote, "One does not look at one's own words, but one's deeds speak for themselves", African countries have seen Turkey's capacity to develop relations with them through the examples it has set in recent years. For this reason, it is necessary to say that we will witness more African countries applying for Turkish defence equipment and expertise in the near future. I expect that cooperation with African countries in the fields of security and defence will lead to an expansion of Turkey-Africa relations, which in turn will lead Ankara to become more engaged in Africa's security issues, and in some cases even become a decisive actor.

Turkey's relationship with Africa, including its stance towards various conflicts on the continent, remains potentially contingent on Ankara's global interests as a middle power trying to manage the complexities of an increasingly fragmented international order. Turkey does not hesitate to compete for influence in Africa with the Western world when necessary. In Niger, for example, while EU countries and the US have suspended their relations with the military government there, Ankara has taken a bold stance in establishing a military base there. Erdogan even stated that the intention of the Economic Community of West African States to intervene in this country is unacceptable, thus pushing Turkey to the point of taking an active role despite the African countries. Ankara has also succeeded in positioning itself as a mediator in the Sudanese conflict, demonstrating its ability to take a dominant position in African dynamics.

In sum, Turkey has become an important security player in Africa. Ankara has made Africa one of its foreign policy priorities. Trade and co-operation between African countries increased rapidly. While these strong ties risk eventually clashing with the West's strategy in Africa, I believe that Turkey will continue to pursue a proactive policy in the African context, and I believe that this is necessary. Ultimately, this policy continues to shine Turkey's star not only as a supporter of African aspirations, but also against traditional powers such as China, Russia and Western countries.

Footnotes

(1) TURKSOM Military Training Base (Somali: Xerada TURKSOM) is a military training base in Mogadishu, Somalia. The base was opened in September 2017 and serves as the main hub of the inter-governmental task force called "African Eagle", through which Turkey is trying to train and prepare Somali Armed Forces officers and non-commissioned officers to transform the Somali Armed Forces into a self-sustainable army. This base serves as Turkey's largest overseas military facility.

References

Turkish Foreign Ministry Webpage, Turkey-Africa Relations, https://www.mfa.gov.tr/turkiye-afrika-iliskileri.tr.mfa

Sine Özkaraşahin, "Turkey's approach to Africa can shed light on NATO's future engagement on the continent", Atlantic Council, 20 December 2023, https://www.atlanticcouncil.org/blogs/turkeysource/turkeys-approach-to-africa-can-shed-light-on-natos-future-engagement-on-the-continent/

Teresa Nogueira Pinto, "Turkey's push for influence in Africa is working", GIS, 9 April 2024, https://www.gisreportsonline.com/r/turkey-influence-africa/

Dr. Hüseyin Fazla
PhD. Hüseyin Fazla
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  • 25.04.2024
  • Time : 6 min
  • 1689 Read

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